An Account Of Timbuctoo And Housa Territories In The Interior Of Africa Part 29

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No one, I presume, will say that there is not a _manifest_ difference between these two translations--between _the town called Yaud, in the country of Kossa_, and the _territory of Hausa, called Ecauree_.

One of these translations must therefore necessarily be incorrect.

The Arabic ma.n.u.script decyphered and transcribed by me, is inserted in Mr. Bowdich's work, page 480. Those who may feel interested in ascertaining which is the correct and precise translation, are requested to refer to the transcript above-mentioned, or to the original ma.n.u.script, in the possession of the African a.s.sociation.

As for myself, I presume I am right; and would submit the decision to the judgment of either Sir Gore Ousley, or to that of Sir William, or to the opinion of any Arabic scholar, to decide this question.

If, Mr. Editor, you had an Arabic type, to save the trouble of referring to the original, I should ask the Arabic scholar if it were possible for any man to translate the following pa.s.sage in 418 that doc.u.ment:--"Bled Hausa eekalu Ecuree"--"the town called Yaud, in the country of Cossa;" whilst I should maintain that it would admit of no other translation but the following, viz.--"the country of Hausa, called Ecauree."



If you think this elucidation of the translation of the Ma.n.u.script of Park's death sufficiently interesting to the public to deserve a place in your intelligent paper, it is very much at your service.

From, Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

JAMES GREY JACKSON,

Professor of African Languages, and formerly British Consul and Agent for Holland, Sweden, and Denmark, at Santa Cruz, South Barbary.[234]

_Circus, Minories, May 4._ 1819.

[Footnote 234: See BRITISH STATESMAN, May 6th, 1819.]

419

LETTERS RESPECTING AFRICA, FROM _J.G. JACKSON AND OTHERS._

_On the Plague._

To JAMES WILLIS, Esq. late Consul to Senegambia.

London, October 30, 1804.

My dear Sir,

Your letter reached my hands yesterday; but I am afraid I shall not be able to satisfy you in every enquiry which you have made relative to the plague in Barbary in 1799. I have, however, no doubt but the plague which has prevailed in Spain has originated from it. Some of the following observations may probably be of service to you.

It does not appear to be ascertained how the plague originated in Fas in the year 1799. Some persons have ascribed it to infected merchandise received at Fas from the East; whilst others maintain that the locusts which had infested Western Barbary during seven years, destroying the crops, the vegetables, and every green thing, even to the bark of the trees, produced such a scarcity, that the 420 poor could obtain scarcely any thing to eat but the locusts; and living on them for several months, till a most abundant crop enabled them to satisfy the cravings of nature, they ate abundantly of the new corn, which producing a fever, brought on the contagion.

At this time the small-pox pervaded the country, and was generally fatal. The small-pox is thought to be the forerunner of this species of contagion, as appears by an ancient Arabic ma.n.u.script, which gives a full account of the same disorder having carried off two-thirds of the inhabitants of West Barbary about four hundred years since; but, however the dreadful epidemy originated, the leading features of the disorder were novel, and more dreadful than the common plague of Turkey, or that of Syria or Egypt, as the following observations will demonstrate.

In the month of April, 1799, a plague of the most dreadful kind manifested itself at the city of Old Fas, which soon after communicated itself to the new city. About this time the Emperor Muley Soliman ben Muhamed was preparing a numerous army, and was on the eve of departure to visit his Southern dominions, and to take possession of the province of Abda, which had not acknowledged him as Emperor, but was, as well as the port of Saffy, in a state of rebellion. The Emperor left Fas early in the summer, and proceeded to Sallee, Mazagan, and Saffee; thence to Marocco and MoG.o.dor. Now the plague began to kindle in all the Southern provinces, first carrying off one or two the first day, three or four the second 421 day, six or eight the third day, and increasing progressively till it amounted to a daily mortality of two in a hundred of the whole population; continuing _with unabated violence_, ten, fifteen, twenty days, being of longer duration in old than in new towns; then diminis.h.i.+ng in a progressive proportion from one thousand a-day, to nine hundred, to eight hundred and so continuing to decrease till it disappeared.

When it raged at the town of MoG.o.dor, a small village (Deabet) situated two miles South-east of MoG.o.dor remained uninfected, although the communication was open between these two places. On the thirty-fourth day after its first appearance at MoG.o.dor, this village received the infection, where, after committing dreadful havock among the human species for twenty-one days carried off one hundred persons out of one hundred and thirty-three, the population of the village before the plague visited it. After this, none died; but those who were infected recovered, some losing the use of a leg, or an arm, or an eye.

Many similar circ.u.mstances might be mentioned relative to the numerous villages scattered about the extensive province of Haha, all which shared the like, or a worse fate. Travelling through this province after the plague had disappeared, I saw many ruins, which had been flouris.h.i.+ng villages before the plague. Making enquiry concerning the population of these dismal remains of the 422 pestilence, I was informed, that one village contained six hundred inhabitants; that only four had escaped. Others, which had contained four and five hundred, had left seven or eight to lament the calamities they had suffered.

Whenever any families retired to the country, to avoid the infection; on returning to town, when apparently all infection had disappeared, they were generally attacked, and died. The destruction of the human species in the province of Upper and LowerSuse was much greater than elsewhere. The capital city of this province (Tarodant) lost, when the infection was at its _acme_, about eight hundred each day; the city of Marocco lost one thousand each day; the cities of Old and New Fas from twelve to fifteen hundred each day; insomuch, that, in these large towns, the mortality was such, that the living had not time to bury the dead: they were therefore thrown altogether into large holes, which were covered over when full of dead bodies.

Young and healthy robust persons were generally attacked first; then women and children; lastly, thin, sickly, and old people.

_After the plague had totally subsided, we saw men, who had been common labourers, enjoying their thousands, and keeping horses, without knowing how to ride them. Provisions became extremely cheap, for the flocks and herds had been left in the fields, and had n.o.body now to own them. Day-labour increased enormously. Never 423 was equality in the human species more evident than at this time_.

_When corn was to be ground, or bread made, both were done in the houses of the rich, and prepared by themselves; for the very few poor people whom the plague had spared were insufficient for the wants of the affluent, and they were consequently obliged to work for themselves_. The country being now depopulated, vast tribes of Arabs from the Desert poured into Suse and Draha; settling themselves on the river Draha and in Suse, and wherever they found little or no population.

The symptoms of the disorder varied in different patients; in some it manifested itself by a sudden s.h.i.+vering, in others by delirium, succeeded by a violent thirst. Cold water was drank eagerly by the imprudent, and generally proved fatal. Some had one, two, or three, some more biles, generally in the groin, under the arm, or near the breast; some had more. Some had no biles, nor any outward disfiguration; these were invariably carried off in less than twenty-four hours. I recommended Mr. Baldwin's remedy[235], applied according to his directions; and I do not know one instance of its failing, when properly applied, and sufficiently persevered in.

[Footnote 235: Of unction of the body with olive oil.]

I have no doubt but the epidemy, which has been ravaging Spain lately, is the same disorder with the one above described. We have been told that it was communicated originally to Spain by two 424 infected persons, who went from Tangier to Estapona, and eluded the vigilance of the guards. We have been a.s.sured that it was communicated by some persons infected, who landed in Spain from a vessel that had loaded produce at Laraich, in West Barbary. We have also been informed that a Spanish privateer, which had occasion to land its crew for water in some part of West Barbary, caught the infection, and afterwards went to Cadiz and communicated it to the town.

JAMES G. JACKSON.

_Death of Mungo Park_.

May, 1812.

The doubts which may have existed of the fate of this eminent man are now removed, by the certain accounts lately received from Goree, of his having perished, through the hostility of the natives, on one of the branches of the Niger. The particulars have been transmitted to Sir Joseph Banks, by Governor Maxwell, of Goree, who received them from Isaco[236], a Moor, sent inland by the Governor, for the purpose of enquiry. In a letter to Mr.

d.i.c.kson, of Covent-garden, brother-in-law to Mr. Park, Sir Joseph thus writes:--

"I have read Isaco's translated journal; by which it appears, that 425 the numerous European retinue of Mungq Park quickly and miserably died, leaving, at the last, only himself and a Mr. Martyn.

Proceeding on their route, they stopped at a settlement, from which, according to custom, they sent a present to the chief whose territory they were next to pa.s.s. This present having been treacherously withheld, the chief considered it, in the travellers, as a designed injury and neglect. _On their approaching, in a canoe, he a.s.sembled his people on a narrow channel of rocks[237], and a.s.sailed them so violently with arrows, that some of the rowers were killed_. This caused Mr. Park and Mr. Martyn to make an effort by swimming to reach the sh.o.r.e; in which attempt they both were drowned. The canoe shortly afterwards sunk, and only one hired native escaped. Every appurtenance also of the travellers was lost or destroyed, except a sword-belt which had belonged to Mr. Martyn, and which Isaco redeemed, and brought with him to Goree."

[Footnote 236: Isaco was a Jew, not a Moor.--J.G.J.]

[Footnote 237: There is a remarkable confirmation of this quotation from Sir Joseph's letter in Mr. _Jackson's_ translation of the Arabic ma.n.u.script of Mungo Park's death, for which see Bowdich's Account of a Mission to Ashantee, p. 480.; also Annals of Oriental Literature, No. I.]

_Death of Mr. Rontgen, in an Attempt to explore the Interior of Africa_.

May, 1812.

The young German gentleman of the name of Rontgen, who left England 426 about a twelve-month since for Africa, in order to prosecute discoveries in the interior of that country, has, it is said, been murdered by the Arabs, before he had proceeded any great distance from MoG.o.dor, where he spent some time perfecting himself in the Arabic language. He was a promising young man, and an enthusiast in the cause in which he was lost, and supposed to understand the Arabic language better than any European who ever before entered Africa. At an early age he formed the plan of going to that country, and gave up his connections and a competency in Germany, to prosecute his intentions. His father was a character well known in Europe, who raised himself from obscurity to the greatest celebrity by his talent for mechanics. He was at one time worth a million, but was ruined by the French revolution.

_The following Letter from James Willis, Esq. late Consul to Senigambia, is extracted from the Gentleman's Magazine for May, 1812_.

COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE WITH AFRICA.

May 5. 1812.

At a time when our ancient rivals and enemies are exerting all their powers to destroy the British commerce, and have nearly effected their gigantic schemes of cutting off all communication between Great Britain and the various ports, states, and kingdoms of Europe; at such a time when we are in imminent danger of losing 427 the markets of a quarter of the globe, it becomes essentially important to discover other channels for our commerce, and other markets for our manufactures.

In this point of view, the information lately communicated to the public by Mr. James Grey Jackson, in his "Travels in Africa,"

becomes highly interesting to the statesman as well as to the merchant. From the account which he has given of the city of Timbuctoo, and its commercial relations, there is great reason to conclude, that if we could find means to open and maintain a safe and easy communication with that great emporium, and with the rich, fertile, and populous regions in its vicinity, we might acquire a market for our manufactures, that would in time compensate for the loss of that of Europe.

In the warehouses of Timbuctoo, are acc.u.mulated the manufactures of India and of Europe; and from thence the immense population that dwells upon the banks of the Niger is supplied. There is no doubt that we could furnish the articles they want, upon much lower terms than they can obtain them at present; and, in return, we should furnish the best market they could have for their gold, ivory, gums, and other rich products, and raw materials.

Now, it certainly appears to me, and I think it must appear to every man who takes the trouble of investigating the subject, that, provided Government would give proper support to the enterprise, this important communication might easily be established. _For this 428 purpose, nothing more is necessary than to take a fortified station upon the African coast, somewhere about the 29th degree of north lat.i.tude, near the confines of the Marocco dominions, to serve as a safe magazine or emporium for merchandize. From this station it would be easy to maintain a direct correspondence with the opulent merchants of Timbuctoo; regular caravans might be established to depart at fixed periods; the protection of the Arabs can at all times be purchased at stipulated prices, which may be considered as premiums of insurance, or as a tax for convoy_, and thus in a little time these caravans might carry out merchandize, to and from Timbuctoo, with as much regularity and safety, and with less expense, than our fleets convey our goods to and from the West Indies.

The expense of such a fortified station as is here proposed, would be very moderate, in comparison with the advantages it would produce; and it would be easy to draw out a plan for it; but I do not think it would be proper to go into a detail here,--_"non est hic locus."_

It has been well observed, that commerce is the key of Africa; and I shall only add, that if the plan I have suggested were carried into execution, these interesting regions of Africa, that have heretofore baffled the attempts of curiosity and enterprise, and remained for so many ages a "sealed book" to the inhabitants of Europe, would soon be explored and laid open. This is an object 429 that cannot be indifferent to a prince, who has so evidently evinced a desire to patronise science, and who is undoubtedly desirous to encourage, to facilitate, and to increase, still further the vast geographical discoveries which have added such l.u.s.tre to the reign of his august father.

An Account Of Timbuctoo And Housa Territories In The Interior Of Africa Part 29

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