History of the Great Reformation Part 40
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p. 225.) This wretched pun of Eck's requires no comment.
But the Protestants would not listen to such reasoning; and even when they put the question to each other, Shall we maintain that faith alone justifies us gratuitously? "Undoubtedly, undoubtedly," exclaimed one of them with exaggeration, "_gratuitously and uselessly_."[757]
They even adduced strange authorities: "Plato," said they, "declares that it is not by external works, but by virtue that G.o.d is adored; and every one knows these verses of Cato's:
"Si deus est animus, n.o.bis ut carmina dic.u.n.t, Hic tibi precipue pura sit mente colendus."[758]
[757] Omnino, omnino, addendum etiam _frustra_. (Scultet. p. 289.)
[758] If G.o.d is a spirit, as the poets teach, he should be wors.h.i.+pped with a pure mind.
"Certainly," resumed the Romish theologians; "it is only of works performed with grace that we speak; but we say that in such works there is something meritorious." The Protestants declared they could not grant it.
They had approximated however beyond all hope. The Roman theologians, clearly understanding their position, had purposed to appear agreed rather than be so in reality. Every one knew, for instance, that the Protestants rejected transubstantiation: but the Article of the Confession on this point, being able to be taken in the Romish sense, the Papists had admitted it. Their triumph was only deferred. The general expressions that were used in all the controverted points, would permit somewhat later a Romish interpretation to be given to the Confession; ecclesiastical authority would declare this the only true one; and Rome, thanks to a few moments of dissimulation, would thus reascend the throne. Have we not seen in our own days the Thirty-nine Articles of the Anglican Church interpreted in accordance with the Council of Trent? There are causes in which falsehood is never awanting. This plot was as skilfully executed, as it was profoundly conceived.
The Commissioners were on the best terms with one another, and concord seemed restored. One single uneasiness disturbed that happy moment: the idea of the Landgrave: "Ignorant that we are almost agreed," said they, "this young mad-brain is doubtless already a.s.sembling his army; we must bring him back, and make him a witness of our cordial union."
On the morning of the 13th, one of the members of the Commission (Duke Henry of Brunswick), accompanied by a councillor of the Emperor, set out to discharge this difficult mission.[759] Duke George of Saxony supplied his place as arbitrator.
[759] Brunswigus coactus est abire p??? t?? a??d??a quem timent contrahere exercitum. (Scultet. p. 299.)
They now pa.s.sed from the first part of the Confession to the second: from doctrines to abuses. Here the Romish theologians could not yield so easily, for if they a?ppeared to agree with the Protestants, it was all over with the honour and power of the hierarchy. It was accordingly for this period of the combat that they had reserved their cunning and their strength.
They began by approaching the Protestants as near as they could, for the more they granted, the more they might draw the Reform to them and stifle it. "We think," said they, "that with the permission of his holiness, and the approbation of his majesty, we shall be able to permit, until the next council, the communion in both kinds, wherever it is practised already; only, your ministers should preach at Easter, that that is not of Divine inst.i.tution, and that Christ is wholly in each kind.[760]
[760] Vorschlage des Anschlusses der Sieben des Gegentheils. (Urk. ii.
p. 251.)
[Sidenote: THE MAIN QUESTION.]
"Moreover," continued they, "as for the married priests, desirous of sparing the poor women whom they have seduced, of providing for the maintenance of their innocent children, and of preventing every kind of scandal, we will tolerate them until the next council, and we shall then see if it will not be right to decree that married men may be admitted to holy orders, as was the case in the primitive Church for many centuries.[761]
[761] Wie von alters in der ersten Kirche etliche Hundert Jahre, in Gebrauch gewesen. (Urk. ii. p. 254.)
"Finally, we acknowledge that the sacrifice of the Ma.s.s is a mystery, a representation, a sacrifice of commemoration, a memorial of the sufferings and death of Christ, accomplished on the cross."[762]
[762] Zu Errinnerung und Gedachtniss. (Ibid. p. 253.)
This was yielding much: but the turn of the Protestants was come; for if Rome appeared to give, it was only to take in return.
The grand question was the Church, its maintenance and government: who should provide for it? They could see only two means: princes or bishops. If they feared the bishops, they must decide for the princes: if they feared the princes, they must decide for the bishops. They were at that time too distant from the normal state to discover a third solution, and to perceive that the Church ought to be maintained by the Church itself--by the christian people. "Secular princes in the long-run will be defaulters to the government of the Church," said the Saxon divines in the opinion they presented on the 18th August; "they are not fit to execute it, and besides it would cost them too dear:[763] the bishops, on the contrary, have property destined to provide for this charge."
[763] Ist Ihmen auch nicht moglich. Dazu Kostet es zu viel. (Urk. ii.
p. 247.)
Thus the presumed incapacity of the state, and the fear they entertained of its indifference, threw the Protestants into the arms of the hierarchy.
[Sidenote: CHURCH GOVERNMENT.]
They proposed therefore to restore to the bishops their jurisdiction, the maintenance of discipline, and the superintendence of the priests, provided they did not persecute the Evangelical doctrine, and did not oppress the pastors with impious vows and burdens. "We may not," added they, "without strong reasons rend that order by which the bishops are over the priests, and which existed in the Church from the beginning.
It is dangerous before the Lord to change the order of governments."
Their argument is not founded upon the Bible, as may be seen, but upon ecclesiastical discipline.
The Protestant divines went even farther, and, taking a last step that seemed decisive, they consented to acknowledge the Pope as being (but of human right) supreme bishop of Christendom. "Although the Pope is Anti-christ, we may be under his government, as the Jews were under Pharaoh, and in later days under Caiaphas." We must confess these two comparisons were not flattering to the Pope. "Only," added the doctors, "let the sound doctrine be fully accorded to us."
The chancellor Bruck alone appears to have been conscious of the truth: he wrote on the margin with a firm hand: "We cannot acknowledge the Pope, because we say he is Antichrist, and because he claims the primacy of right divine."[764]
[764] c.u.m dicimus eum Antichristum. (Urk. p. 247.)
Finally, the Protestant theologians consented to agree with Rome as regards indifferent ceremonies, fasts, and forms of wors.h.i.+p; and the Elector engaged to put under sequestration the ecclesiastical property already secularized, until the decision of the next council.
[Sidenote: PRETENDED CONCORD.]
Never was the conservative spirit of Lutheranism more clearly manifested. "We have promised our adversaries to concede to them certain points of church government, that may be granted without wounding the conscience," wrote Melancthon.[765] But he began to be very doubtful whether ecclesiastical concessions would not drag with them doctrinal concessions also. The reform was drifting away......still a few more fathoms, and it was lost. Already disunion, trouble, and affright began to spread among its ranks. Melancthon has become more childish than a child, said one of his friends;[766] and yet he was so excited, that the Chancellor of Lunenburg having made some objections to these unprecedented concessions, the little Master of Arts proudly raised his head, and said with a sharp and harsh tone of voice: "He who dares a.s.sert that the means indicated are not christian is a liar and a scoundrel."[767] On which the Chancellor immediately repaid him in his own coin. These expressions cannot, however, detract from Melancthon's reputation for mildness. After so many useless efforts, he was exhausted, irritated, and his words cut the deeper, as they were the less expected from him. He was not the only one demoralized. Brenz appeared clumsy, rude, and uncivil; Chancellor Keller had misled the pious Margrave of Brandenburg, and transformed the courage of this prince into pusillanimity: no other human support remained to the Elector than his chancellor Bruck. And even this firm man began to grow alarmed at his isolation.
[765] Nos politica quaedam concessuros quae sine offensione conscientiae.
(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 302.)
[766] Philippus ist kindischer denn ein kind warden. (Baumgartner, Ibid. p. 363.)
[767] Der luge als ein Bosewichst. (Ibid. p. 364.)
[Sidenote: LUTHER'S LETTERS.]
But he was not alone: the most earnest protests were received from without. "If it is true that you are making such concessions," said their affrighted friends to the Saxon divines, "christian liberty is at an end.[768] What is your pretended concord? a thick cloud that you raise in the air to eclipse the sun that was beginning to illumine the Church.[769] Never will the christian people accept conditions so opposed to the Word of G.o.d; and your only gain will be furnis.h.i.+ng the enemies of the Gospel with a specious pretext to butcher those who remain faithful to it." Among the laymen these convictions were general. "Better die with Jesus Christ," said all Augsburg,[770] "than gain the favour of the whole world without him!"
[768] Actum est de christiana libertate. (Baumgartner, Corp. Ref. ii.
p. 295.)
[769] Quid ea concordia aliud esset quam natae jam et divulgatae luci obducere nubem. (Ibid. p. 296.)
[770] Die gange Stadt sagt. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 297.)
No one felt so much alarm as Luther at the moment when he saw the glorious edifice that G.o.d had raised by his hands on the point of falling to ruin in those of Melancthon. The day on which this news arrived, he wrote five letters,--to the Elector, to Melancthon, to Spalatin, to Jonas, and to Brenz, all equally filled with courage and with faith.
"I learn," said he, "that you have begun a marvellous work, namely, to put Luther and the Pope in harmony; but the Pope is unwilling, and Luther begs to be excused.[771] And if, in despite of them, you succeed in this affair, then after your example I will bring together Christ and Belial.
[771] Sed Papa nolet et Lutherus deprecatur. (L. Epp. iv. p. 144.)
"The world I know is full of wranglers who obscure the doctrine of justification by faith, and of fanatics who persecute it. Do not be astonished at it, but continue to defend it with courage, for it is the heel of the seed of the woman that shall bruise the head of the serpent.[772]
[772] Nam hic est ille unicus calcaneus seminis antiquo serpenti adversantis. (Ibid. p. 151.)
"Beware also of the jurisdiction of the bishops, for fear we should have soon to recommence a more terrible struggle than the first. They will take our concessions widely, very widely, always more widely, and will give us theirs narrowly, very narrowly, and always more narrowly.[773] All these negotiations are impossible, unless the Pope should renounce his Papacy.
[773] Ipsi enim nostras concessiones large, largius, largissime, suas vero, stricte, strictius, strictissime. (Ibid. p. 145.)
"A pretty motive indeed our adversaries a.s.sign! They cannot, say they, restrain their subjects, if we do not publish everywhere that they have the truth for them: as if G.o.d only taught his Word, in order that our enemies might at pleasure tyrannize over their people.
[Sidenote: THE WORD ABOVE THE CHURCH.]
History of the Great Reformation Part 40
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History of the Great Reformation Part 40 summary
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