History of the Great Reformation Part 47

[881] Charitas fortissimus aries. (Farel to Bucer, 10th May, 1529.)

Thus wrote the most impetuous of the Reformers. These words of Farel, preserved for three centuries in the city where he died, disclose to us more clearly the intimate nature of the great Revolution of the sixteenth century, than all the venturesome a.s.sertions of its Popish interpreters. Christian unity thus from these earliest moments found a zealous apostle. The nineteenth century is called to resume the work which the sixteenth century was unable to accomplish.

[Sidenote: IRRESOLUTION OF BERNE.]

II. Of all the Swiss cantons, Berne appeared the least disposed to the Reformation. A military state may be zealous for religion, but it will be for an external and a disciplined religion; it requires an ecclesiastical organization that it can see, and touch, and manage at its will. It fears the innovations and the free movements of the Word of G.o.d: it loves the form and not the life. Napoleon, by restoring religion in France in the _Concordat_, has given us a memorable example of this truth. Such, also, was the case with Berne. Its government, besides, was absorbed by political interests, and although it had little regard for the Pope, it cared still less to see a Reformer put himself, as Zwingle did, at the head of public affairs.

As for the people, feasting on the "b.u.t.ter of their kine and milk of their sheep, with fat of lambs,"[882] they remained closely shut up within the narrow circle of their material wants. Religious questions were not to the taste either of the rulers or of their fellow-citizens.

[882] Deut. x.x.xii. 14.

The Bernese government, being without experience in religious matters, had proposed to check the movement of the Reform by its edict of 1523.

As soon as it discovered its mistake, it moved towards the cantons that adhered to the ancient faith; and while that portion of the people whence the Great Council was recruited, listened to the voice of the Reformers, most of the patrician families, who composed the Smaller Council, believing their power, their interests, and their honor menaced, attached themselves to the old order of things. From this opposition of the two councils there arose a general uneasiness, but no violent shocks. Sudden movements, repeated starts, announced from time to time that incongruous matters were fermenting in the nation; it was like an indistinct earthquake, which raises the whole surface without causing any rents: then anon all returns to apparent tranquillity.[883] Berne, which was always decided in its politics, turned in religious matters at one time to the right, and at another to the left; and declared that it would be neither Popish nor Reformed. To gain time was, for the new faith, to gain everything.

[883] Hundes.h.a.gen, Conflikte der Bernischen Kirche, p. 19.

[Sidenote: ALMANACK OF HERETICS.]

What was done to turn aside Berne from the Reformation, was the very cause of precipitating it into the new way. The haughtiness with which the five primitive cantons arrogated the guardians.h.i.+p of their confederates, the secret conferences to which Berne was not even invited, and the threat of addressing the people in a direct manner, deeply offended the Bernese oligarchs. Thomas Murner, a Carmelite of Lucerne, one of those rude men who act upon the populace, but who inspire disgust in elevated minds, made the cup run over. Furious against the Zurich calendar, in which the names of the saints had been purposely omitted, he published in opposition to it the "Almanack of Heretics and Church-robbers," a tract filled with lampoons and invectives, in which the portraits of the Reformers and of their adherents, among whom were many of the most considerable men of Berne, were coupled with the most brutal inscriptions.[884] Zurich and Berne in conjunction demanded satisfaction, and from this time the union of these two states daily became closer.

[884] Quum nudus-tertius _Murneri_ Calendarium legissem, partim ridendo hominis stultissimam impudentiam. (colamp. to Zwingle, Febr.

1527, Epp. ii. p. 26.)

This change was soon perceived at Berne. The elections of 1527 placed a considerable number of friends of the Reform in the Great Council; and this body, forthwith resuming its right to nominate the members of the Smaller Council, which had been usurped for twenty years by the Bannerets and the Sixteen, removed from the government the most decided partisans of the Roman hierarchy, and among others Gaspard de Mulinen and Sebastian de Stein,[885] and filled the vacancies with members of the Evangelical majority. The union of Church and State, which had hitherto checked the progress of the Reform in Switzerland, was now about to accelerate its movements.

[885] Mullinen e Senatoria dignitate protrusus est. Lapides quoque.

(Haller to Zwingle, April 25, 1527. Ibid. p. 49.)

[Sidenote: ANABAPTISTS IN BERNE.]

The Reformer Haller was not alone in Berne. Kolb had quitted the Carthusian monastery at Nuremberg, in which he had been compelled to take refuge, and had appeared before his compatriots, demanding no other stipend than the liberty of preaching Jesus Christ. Already bending under the weight of years, his head crowned with h.o.a.ry locks, Kolb, young in heart, full of fire, and of indomitable courage, presented boldly before the chiefs of the nation that Gospel which had saved him. Haller, on the contrary, although only thirty-five years old, moved with a measured step, spoke with gravity, and proclaimed the new doctrines with unusual circ.u.mspection. The old man had taken the young man's part, and the youth that of the graybeard.

Zwingle, whose eye nothing escaped, saw that a favourable hour for Berne was coming, and immediately gave the signal. "The dove commissioned to examine the state of the waters is returning with an olive-branch into the ark," wrote he to Haller; "come forth now, thou second Noah, and take possession of the land. Enforce, be earnest, and fix deeply in the hearts of men the hooks and grapnels of the Word of G.o.d, so that they can never again be rid of them."[886]--"Your bears,"

wrote he to Thomas ab Hofen, "have again put forth their claws. Please G.o.d that they do not draw them back until they have torn everything in pieces that opposes Jesus Christ."

[886] Aculeos ac hamos, sic in mortalium pectora dimitte, ut etiam si velint, non possint. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 10.)

[Sidenote: VICTORY OF THE GOSPEL.]

Haller and his friends were on the point of replying to this appeal, when their situation became complicated. Some Anabaptists, who formed everywhere the extreme party, arriving in Berne in 1527, led away the people from the Evangelical preachers "on account of the presence of idols."[887] Haller had a useless conference with them. "To what dangers is not Christianity exposed," cried he, "wherever these furies have crept in!"[888] There has never been any revival in the Church, without the hierarchical or radical sects immediately endeavouring to disturb it. Haller, although alarmed, still maintained his unalterable meekness. "The magistrates are desirous of banis.h.i.+ng them," said he; "but it is our duty to drive out their errors, and not their persons.

Let us employ no other weapons than the sword of the Spirit."[889] It was not from Popery that the Reformers had learnt these principles. A public disputation took place. Six Anabaptists declared themselves convinced, and two others were sent out of the country.

[887] Ne plebem dehortentur ab auditione concionum nostrarum ob idolorum praesentiam. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 49.)

[888] Consideravimus omnes periculum urbis nostrae et totius Christianismi, ubi illae furiae irrepserint. (Ibid. p. 50.)

[889] Nostrum est, omnio gladio spiritus refellere. (Ibid.)

The decisive moment was drawing near. The two great powers of the age, the Gospel and the Papacy, were stirring with equal energy; the Bernese councils were to speak out. They saw on the one hand the five primitive cantons taking daily a more threatening att.i.tude, and announcing that the Austrian would soon reappear in Helvetia, to reduce it once more into subjection to Rome; and on the other they beheld the Gospel every day gaining ground in the Confederation. Which was destined to prevail in Switzerland--the lances of Austria or the Word of G.o.d? In the uncertainty in which the councils were placed, they resolved to side with the majority. Where could they discover a firm footing, if not there? _Vox populi, vox Dei._ "No one," said they, "can make any change of his own private authority: the consent of all is necessary."[890]

[890] Ut privata auctoritate nemo quippiam immutare praesumat (Haller to Vadian.)

The government of Berne had to decide between two mandates, both emanating from its authority: that of 1523, in favour of the free preaching of the Gospel, and that of 1526, in favour "of the sacraments, the saints, the mother of G.o.d, and the ornaments of the churches." State messengers set out and traversed every parish: the people gave their votes against every law contrary to liberty, and the councils, supported by the nation, decreed that "the Word of G.o.d should be preached publicly and freely, even if it should be in opposition to the statutes and doctrines of men." Such was the victory of the Gospel and of the people over the oligarchy and the priests.

[Sidenote: PAPIST PROVOCATIONS.]

Contentions immediately arose throughout the canton, and every parish became a battle-field. The peasants began to dispute with the priests and monks, in reliance on the Holy Scriptures. "If the mandate of our lords," said many, "accords to our pastors the liberty of preaching, why should it not grant the flock the liberty of acting?"--"Peace, peace!" cried the councils, alarmed at their own boldness. But the flocks resolutely declared that they would send away the Ma.s.s, and keep their pastors and the Bible.[891] Upon this the Papal partisans grew violent. "Heretics, rascals, wantons," said the banneret Kuttler[892] to the good people of Emmenthal; and these peasants obliged him to make an apology. The bailiff of Trachselwald was more cunning. Seeing the inhabitants of Rudersweil listening with eagerness to the Word of G.o.d, which a pious minister was preaching to them, he came with fifers and trumpeters, and interrupted the sermon, inviting the village girls by words and by lively tunes to quit the church for the dance.

[891] Incolas vallis Emmenthal Senatum adiisse, _missam_que _missam fecisse_. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 104.)

[892] Pueros, hereticos, et homines lascivos. (Ibid. p. 106.)

These singular provocations did not check the Reform. Six of the city companies (the shoe-makers, weavers, merchants, bakers, stone-masons, and carpenters) abolished in the churches and convents of their district all ma.s.ses, anniversaries, advowsons, and prebends. Three others (the tanners, smiths, and tailors) prepared to imitate them;[893] the seven remaining companies were undecided, except the butchers, who were enthusiasts for the Pope. Thus the majority of the citizens had embraced the Gospel. Many parishes throughout the canton had done the same; and the avoyer d'Erlach, the great adversary of the Reformation, could no longer keep the torrent within bounds.

[893] Haller to Zwingle, 4th November, 1527. (Epp. ii. p. 105.)

[Sidenote: PROPOSED DISPUTATION.]

Yet the attempt was made: the bailiffs were ordered to note the irregularities and dissolute lives of the monks and nuns; all women of loose morals were even turned out of the cloisters.[894] But it was not against these abuses alone that the Reformation was levelled; it was against the inst.i.tutions themselves, and against Popery on which they were founded. The people must therefore decide.--"The Bernese clergy," said they, "must be convoked, as at Zurich, and let the two doctrines be discussed in a solemn conference. We will proceed afterwards in conformity with the result."

[894] J. J. Hottinger, H. Kirchen, viii. p. 394.

On the Sunday following the festival of Saint Martin (11th November), the council and citizens unanimously resolved that a public disputation should take place at the beginning of the succeeding year.

"The glory of G.o.d and his Word," said they, "will at length appear!"

Bernese and strangers, priests and laymen, all were invited by letter or by printed notice to come and discuss the controverted points, but by Scripture alone, without the glosses of the ancients, and renouncing all subtleties and abusive language.[895] Who knows, said they, if all the members of the ancient Swiss confederation may not be thus brought to unity of faith?

[895] Solam sacram Scripturam, absque veterum glossematis. (Haller to Zwingle, 19th November 1527. Epp. ii. p. 113.)

Thus, within the walls of Berne, the struggle was about to take place that would decide the fate of Switzerland; for the example of the Bernese must necessarily lead with it a great part of the Confederation.

[Sidenote: IMPORTANT QUESTION.]

The Five Cantons, alarmed at this intelligence, met at Lucerne, when they were joined by Fribourg, Soleure and Glaris. There was nothing either in the letter or in the spirit of the federal compact to obstruct religious liberty. "Every state," said Zurich, "is free to choose the doctrine that it desires to profess." The Waldstettes,[896]

on the contrary, wished to deprive the cantons of this independence, and to subject them to the federal majority and to the Pope. They protested, therefore, in the name of the confederation against the proposed discussion. "Your ministers," wrote they to Berne, "dazzled and confounded at Baden by the brightness of truth, would desire by this new discussion to hide their shame; but we entreat you to desist from a plan so contrary to our ancient alliances."--"It is not we who have infringed them," replied Berne; "it is much rather your haughty missive that has destroyed them. We will not abandon the Word of our Lord Jesus Christ." Upon this the Roman cantons decided to refuse all safe-conduct to those who should proceed to Berne. This was giving token of sinister intentions.

[896] The inhabitants of the primitive democratic cantons, Schwytz, Uri, Underwald, and Lucerne, to which Zug may be added.

The four bishops of Lausanne, Constance, Basle, and Sion, being invited to the conference under pain of forfeiting all their privileges in the canton of Berne, replied that, since it was to be a disputation according to the Scriptures, they had nothing to do with it. Thus did these priests forget the words of one of the most ill.u.s.trious Roman doctors of the fifteenth century: "In heavenly things man should be independent of his fellows, and trust in G.o.d alone."[897]

[897] John Goch, Dialogus de quatuor erroribus, p. 237.

The Romanist doctors followed the example of the bishops. Eck, Murner, Cochlus, and many others said everywhere: "We have received the letter of this leper, of this accursed heretic Zwingle.[898] They want to take the Bible for their judge; but has the Bible a voice against those who do it violence? We will not go to Berne; we will not crawl into that obscure corner of the world; we will not go and combat in that gloomy cavern, in that school of heretics. Let these villains come out into the open air, and contend with us on level ground, if they have the Bible on their side, as they say." The Emperor ordered the discussion to be adjourned; but on the very day of its opening, the council of Berne replied, that as every one was already a.s.sembled, delay was impossible.

[898] Epistolam leprosi, d.a.m.nati, haeretici Zwinglii accepi. (Eck to G.

A. Zell, Zw. Epp. ii. p. 126.)

[Sidenote: UNEQUAL CONTEST.]

Then, in despite of the doctors and bishops, the Helvetic Church a.s.sembled to decide upon its doctrines. Had it a right to do so?