The Works of John Knox Volume I Part 11
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[SN: _NULLA FIDES REGNI SOCIIS, ETC._]
These thingis against promeissis, (but Princes have no fidelitie farther then for thare awin advantage,) done at Rowane,[513] the galayes departed to Nantes, in Bartainzie, whare upone the watter of Lore[514]
thei lay the hole wyntar.
In Scotland, that somer, was nothing but myrth; for all yead[515] with the preastis eavin at thare awin pleasur. The Castell of Sanctandrois was rased to the ground,[516] the block houssis thairof cast doune, and the walles round about demolissed. Whitther this was to fulfill thare law, which commandis places whare Cartlinalles ar slane so to be used; or ellis for fear that England should have takin it, as after thei did Broughty Crage, we remitt to the judgement of such as was of counsall.
[SN: PYNCKEY CLEUCHT.]
This same year, in the begynnyng of September, entered in Scotland ane army of ten thowsand men from England, by land, some schippes with ordinance came by sea. The Governour and the Bischope, heirof advertissed, gathered togetther the forces of Scotland, and a.s.sembled at Edinburgh. The Protectour of England,[517] with the Erle of Warwik, and thare army, remaned at Preastoun, and about Preastoun Pannes:[518] for thei had certane offerres to have bein proponed unto the n.o.bilitie of Scotland, concernyng the promeissis befoir maid by thame, unto the which King Hary befoir his death gentillye required thame to stand fast; and yf thei so wald do, of him nor of his Realme thei should have no truble, but the helpe and the conforte that he could maike thame in all thingis lauchfull. And heirupoun was thare a letter direct to the Governour and Counsall;[519] which c.u.ming to the handis of the Bischope of Sanctandros, he thought it could nott be for his advantage that it should be divulgat, and thairfoir by his craft it was suppressed.
[SN: THE SECURITIE OF THE SCOTISMEN AT PYNKEY CLEUCHT.]
Upone the Fryday, the [ixth[520]] of September, the Engliss army marched towardis Leyth, and the Scottishe army marched from Edinburgh to Enresk.[521] The hole Scottishe army was nott a.s.sembled, and yitt the skirmissing begane; for nothing was concluded but victorie without strok. The Protectour, the Erle of Warwik, the Lord Gray, and all the Engliss Capitanes, war played[522] at the dyce. No men war stowttar then the Preastis and Channounes, with thare schaven crownes and blak jackis. [SN: FRYDAYIS CHASE.] The Erle of Warwik and the Lord Gray, who had the cheaf charge of the horsmen, perecaving the host to be molested with the Scotishe preakaris,[523] and knowing that the mult.i.tud war nether under ordour nor obedience, (for thei war devided fra the great army,) sent furth certane troupes horsmen, and some of thare Borderaris, eyther to feght thame, or ellis to putt thame out of thare syght, so that thei mycht not annoy the host. The skarmuch grewe hote, and at lenth the Scottishmen gave back, and fled without gane turne. The chase continewed far, bayth towardis the East and towardis the Weast; in the which many war slayne, and he that now is Lord Home was tane, which was the occasioun, that the Castell of Home[524] was after randered to the Engliss men. [SN: BRAGGIS.] The lose of these men neyther moved the Governour, nor yitt the Bischope, his b.a.s.t.a.r.d brother: Thei should revenge the mater weall yneuch upoun the morne; for thei war handis ynew, (no word of G.o.d;) the Engliss heretyckis had no faces; thei wald not abyd.
[SN: THE REPULSE OF THE HORSMEN OF ENGLAND.]
Upone the Setterday, the armyis of boyth sydis past to array. The Engliss army tackis the mydd parte of Fawsyd hill,[525] having thare ordinance planted befoir thame, and having thare schippes and two galayis brought as neir the land as watter wald serve. The Scottishe army stood first in ane ressonable strenth and good ordour, having betuix thame and the Engliss army the Watter of Esk, (otherwyese called Mussilburgh Watter;) b.u.t.t at length a charge was gevin in the Governouris behalf, with sound of trumpett, that all men should merche fordwarte, and go ower the watter.[526] Some say, that this was procured by the Abbote of Dumfermeling,[527] and Maister Hew Rig,[528] for preservatioun of Carbarry. Men of judgement lyeked not the jorney; for thei thought it no wisdome to leave thare strenth. But commandiment upoun commandiment, and charge upoun charge, was gevin, which urged thame so, that unwillinglie thei obeyed. The Erle of Anguss,[529] being in the vantgard, had in his c.u.mpany the gentilmen of Fyfe, of Anguss, Mernes, and the Westland, with many otheris that of luif resorted to him, and especiallie those that war professouris of the Evangell; for thei supposed, that England wold not have maid gret persuyt of him. He pa.s.sed first throwght the watter, and arrayed his host direct befoir the ennemies. Followed the Erle of Huntlie, with his Northland men. Last came the Duke, having in his c.u.mpany the Erle of Ergyle,[530] with his awin freindis, and the body of the realme. The Englesmen perceaving the danger, and how that the Scottishe men intended to have tane the tope of the hill, maid hast to prevent the perrell. The Lord Gray was commanded to geve the charge with his men of armes, which he did, albeit the hasard[531] was verray unliklye; for the Erle of Anguss host[532] stood evin as a wall, and receaved the first a.s.saultairis upon the pointis of thare spearis, (which war longar then those of the Englismen,) so ruidlye, that fyftie horse and men of the first rank lay dead at ones, without any hurte done to the Scottishe army, except that the spearis of the formar two rankis war brokin. Which discomfitur receaved, the rest of the hors men fled; yea, some pa.s.sed beyound Fawsyd hill. The Lord Gray him self was hurte in the mouth, and plainelie denyed to charge agane; for he said, "it was alyik as to ryne against a wall." The galayis and the schippes, and so did the ordinance planted upoun the mydd hill, schote terriblye. But the ordinance of the galayis schooting longis the Scotish army effrayed thame wonderuslye.[533] And whill that everie man laubouris to draw from the north, whense the danger appeired, thei begyne to reyll, and with that war the Engliss foot men marching fordwarte, albeit that some of thare horsmen war upoun the flight. The Erle of Anguss army stood still, looking that eyther Huntlie[534] or the Duke should have recountered the nixt battell; but thei had decreid that the favoraris of England, and the Heretickis, (as the Preastis called thame,) and the Englismen should parte it betuix thame for the day.
The fear ryses, and at ane instant thei, which befoir war victouris, and war nott yitt a.s.saulted with any force, (except with ordinance, as said is,) cast frome thame thare spearis and fled. So that G.o.ddis power was so evidentlie sein, that in one moment, yea, at one instant tyme, boyth the armyes war fleing. The schout came from the hill frome those that hoped no victorie upone the Engliss parte; the schout ryses, (we say,) "Thei flye, thei flie;" but at the first it could nott be beleved, till at the last it was clearlie sein, that all had gevin backis, and then begane a cruell slawchtter, (which was the greattar be rea.s.sone of the lait displeasur of the men of armes.) The chase and slaughter lasted till ney Edinburght, upoun the one parte, and be-west Dalkeith, upon the other.[535] The number of the slane upoun the Scotishe syd war judged ney ten thowsand men. The Erle of Huntley was tackin, and caryed to London; but he releved him self, being suyrtie for many ransonis, honestlie or unhonestlie[536] we know nott; but, as the bruyt past, he used pollicye with England. In that same battell was slane the Maister of Erskin,[537] deirlie beloved of the Quein, for whome she maid great lamentatioun, and bayre his death many dayis in mind. When the certaintie of the disconfiture came, sche was in Edinburgh abyding upon tydinges; but with expeditioun she posted that same nycht to Stryveling, with Monsieur Dosell, who was als fleyed as "a fox when his hole is smoked." And thus did G.o.d tak the secound revenge upoun the perjured Governour, with such as a.s.sisted him to defend ane injust qwerrell; albeit that many innocentis fell amonges the myddest of the wicked. The Engliss army came to Leyth, and thare tackin ordour with thare preasonaris and spoile, thei returned with this victorie, (which thei looked nott for,) to England.
That wynter following was great heirschippes maid upoun all the Bordouris of Scotland. Browghty crag[538] was tane by the Englismen, beseiged by the Governour, but still keapt; and at it was slane Gawen, the best of the Hammyltonis,[539] and the ordinance left. Whareupon, the Englismen encouraged, begane to fortifie upoun the hill above Broughty hous, which was called the Forte of Broughty, and was verray noysome to Dondy, which it brunt and laid waist; and so did it the moist parte of Anguss, which was not a.s.sured, and under freindschipe with thame.
That Lentran[540] following, [SN: 1548.] was Haddingtoun fortified by the Engliss men. The maist parte of Lothiane, from Edinburgh east, was eyther a.s.sured or laid wast. Thus did G.o.d plague in everie qwarter; b.u.t.t men war blynd, and wald nott, nor could nott, considder the cause. The Lardes Ormestoun[541] and Brunestoun[542] war banissed, and after forfalted,[543] and so war all those of the Castell of Sanctandrois.
The suyre knowledge of the trubles of Scotland c.u.ming to France, thare was prepared a navy and army. The navy was such as never was sein to come fra France, for the supporte of Scotland; for besydis the galayis, being twenty twa then in nomber, thei had threscoir great schippis, besydis vittallaris. Howsone soever thei took the playne seas, the read lyoun of Scotland was displayed, and thei holdin as rebelles unto France, (such pollicye is no falsett in Princes,) for good peax stoode betuix France and England, and the King of France approved nothing that thei did. The cheaf men, to whome the conducting of that army was committed, war Monsieur Dandelot, Monsieur de Termes, and Peir de Strois. In thare jorney thei maid some hereschepe upoun the coast of England; but it was nott great. [SN: 1549.] They arryved in Scotland in Maij, anno 1549.[544] The galayis did visitt the forte of Browghty, but did no more at that tyme. Preparationis war maid for the seig of Hadyngtoun; but it was ane other thing that thei ment, as the ischew declared. [SN: THE PARLIAMENT ATT HADINGTOUN.] The hole body of the realme a.s.sembled, the forme of a Parliament was sett to be holdin thare, to witt, in the Abbay of Haddingtoun.[545] The princ.i.p.all head was the mariage of the Princess (by thame befoir contracted to King Edwarte,) to the King of France, and of hir present deliverie, be rea.s.sone of the danger that she stood into, by the invasioun of our old ennemies of England. Some war corrupted with buddis, some deceaved by flattering promessis, and some for fear war compelled to consent; for the French soldartis war the officiaris of armes in that Parliament. The Lard of Balclewcht,[546] a b.l.o.o.d.y man, with many G.o.ddis woundis, sware, "Thei that wold nott consent should do war." The Governour gat the Duchry of Chattellerawlt,[547] with the Ordour of the c.o.kill, and a full discharge of all intromissionis with King James the Fyft his treasure and substance whatsoever, with possessioun of the Castell of Dumbertane, till that ischew should be sein of the Quenis body. [SN: THE DUKIS FACT, AND WHAT APPEARIS TO FOLLOW THAREOF.] With these, and other conditionis, stood he content to sell his Soverane furth of his awin handis, which in the end wilbe his destructioun; G.o.d thairby punis.h.i.+ng his formar wickedness, (yf speady reapentance prevent not G.o.ddis judgementis, which we hartly wishe.) Huntley, Ergyle, and Anguss, was lykwiese maid Knyghtis of the c.o.c.kill;[548] and for that and other good deid receaved, thei sold also thare parte. [SN: EXPERIENCE HES TAWGHT, AND FARTHER WILL DECLAIR.] Schortlie, none was found to resist that injust demand; and so was she sold to go to France, to the end that in hir youth she should drynk of that lycour, that should remane with hir all hir lyfetyme, for a plague to this realme, and for hir finall destructioun. And tharefoir, albeit that now a fyre c.u.mes out frome hir, that consumes many, lett no man wonder, she is G.o.ddis hand, in his displeasur punis.h.i.+ng our formare ingrat.i.tude. [SN: _PERFICE QUOD CEPISTI ME DEUS PROPTER TUI NOMINIS GLORIAM. 15 JUNIJ 1567._[549]] Lett men patientlie abyd, and turne unto thare G.o.d, and then shall he eyther destroy that hoore in hir hurdome, or ellis he shall putt it in the harttis of a mult.i.tude, to tak the same vengeance upoun hir, that hes bein tane of Jesabell and Athalia, yea, and of otheris, of whome prophane historyis mak mentioun; for greattar abominatioun was never in the nature of any woman, then is in hir, whareof we have but sein only the buddis; b.u.t.t we will after taist of the rype frutt of hir impietie, yf G.o.d cutt not hir dayis schorte. [SN: WRITTIN THE ---- OF APRILE, ANNO 1566.] But to returne to our Historie.
[SN: THE SEIGE OF HADINGTOUN.]
This conclusioun tackin, that our Quein, (b.u.t.t farther delay,) should be delivered to France, the seig continewis, great schooting, but no a.s.saulting; and yitt thei had fair occasioun offered unto thame. For the Englismen approching to the toune, for the conforting of the beseiged, with powder, vittalles, and men, lost ane army of sax thowsand men. [SN: TUESDAYIS CHASE.] Schir Robert Bowes[550] so was tane, and the most parte of the Borderaris war eyther tackin or slane. And so mycht the Toune justlye have dispared of any farther succourse to have bein loked for; b.u.t.t yit it held good; for the stout corage and prudent governement of Schir James Wolfurd,[551] generall, who did so encorage the hole capitanes and soldartis, that thei determined to dye upon thare wallis. But from the tyme that the Frenche men had gottin the bone for the which the dog barked, the persuyt of the toune was slow. The seig was rased, and she was convoyed by the Weast seas to France,[552] with four galayis, and some schippis; and so the Cardinall of Lorane gatt hir in his keping, a morsall, a.s.suyre yow,[553] meit for his awin mouth.
We omitt many thingis that, occurred in this tyme; as the sitting doun of the schip called the Cardinall, (the farest schip in France,) betuix Sanct Colmes Inch and Crawmond,[554] without any occasioun, except negligence, for the day was fair, and the wetther calme; but G.o.d wold schaw, that the countrie of Scotland can bear no Cardinallis. In this tyme also, was thare a combate betuix the galayis and the Engliss schippis; thei schote fracklie a whill. Ane Engliss schip took fyre, or ellis the galayis had come schorte hame, and, as it was, thei fled without mercy, till that thei war abuf Sanct Colmes Inch.[555] The Capitanes left the galayes, and took a forte maid upoun the Inch for thare defence. But the Engliss schippis maid no persuyt, (except that thei brunt the Cardinall whare that she lay,) and so the galayis and the galay-men did boyth eschape.
Ordoure was lackin, that nixt September, that some galayes should remane in Scotland, and that the rest should returne to France; as that thei did all, except one that was tackin by ane Engliss schip, (by one Engliss schip onlye, we say,) as that thei war pa.s.sing betuix Dover and Calice.
That wynter remaned Monsieur De Arfe[556] in Scotland, with the bandis of French men. Thei fortified Enresk, to stay that the Engliss should not invaid Edinburgh and Leyth. Some skarmessis[557] thare war betuix the one and the other, b.u.t.t no notable thing done, except that the French had almost tackin Hadingtoun; the occasioun whareof was this.
The French men thinking thame selfis moir then maisteris in all partes of Scotland, and in Edinburgh princ.i.p.allie, thought that thei could do no wrong to no Scottishe man; for a certane French man delivred a coulvering to George Tod, Scottisman, to be stocked, who bringing it throwght the streat, ane other French man clamed it, and wold have reft it from the said George; but he resisted, alledgeing that the Frenche man did wronge. And so begane parties to a.s.semble, asweall to the Scottishman, as to the French; so that two of the French men war stryckin doune, and the rest cha.s.sed from the Croce to Nudrye's Wynd head.[558] The Provost being upoun the streat, apprehended two of the French, and was carying thame to the Tolbuyth; but from Monsieur de Essie's loodgeing and close isched furth French men, to the nomber of threscoir persones, with drawin sweardis, and resisted the said Provest.
But yitt the toune a.s.sembling repulsed thame, till that thei came to the Nether Bow;[559] and thare Monsieur La Chapell, with the hole bandis of French men enarmed, rencontered the said Provest, and[560] repulsed him, (for the toune war without weapones, for the maist parte,) and so maid invasioun upoun all that thei mett. [SN: THE SLAUGHTER OF THE CAPITANE OF THE CASTELL OF EDINBURGH] And first, in the throt of the Bow, war slane David Kirk and David Barbour, (being at the Provostes back,) and thareafter war slane the said Provest himself, being Lard of Stannoss, and Capitane of the Castell,[561] James Hammyltoun his sone,[562] Williame Chapman, a G.o.dly man, Maister Williame Stewarte,[563] Williame Purvess, and a woman, named Elizabeth Stewarte; and thareafter taryed within the toune, by force, from fyve houris, till after sevin at nycht, and then reteared to the Cannogat, as to thare receptackle and refuge.
[SN: HADINGTOUN ALMOST SURPRISED BY THE FRENCH.]
The hole Toun, yea, the Governour and n.o.bilitie commoved at the unwoorthynes of this bold attemptat, craved justice upoun the malefactouris, or ellis thei wold tack justice of the hole. The Quein, crafty yneweht, Monsieur de Essye, and Monsieur Dosel, laubored for pacificatioun, and did promeise, "That onless the French men, by thame selfis allone, should do such ane act, as mycht recompense the wrong that thei had done, that then thei should not refuise, but that justice should be executed to the rigour." These fayre woordis pleased our foollis, and so war the Frenche bandis the nixt nycht direct to Hadingtoun,[564] to the which thei approched a lytill after mydnycht, so secreatlye, that thei war never espyed, till that the formar war within the ba.s.se courte, and the haill c.u.mpany in the church yard, nott two payre of boot lenthis distant frome the toune. The soldartis, Englishmen, war all a sleape, exceapt the watch, the which was sklender, and yitt the schowt arises, "Bowes and billes: Bowes and billes;" which is significatioun of extreame defence, to avoid the present danger, in all tounes of warr. The effrayed aryses: weapones that first come to hand serve for the nead. One[565] amongis many c.u.mes to the East porte, whare lay two great pieces of ordinance, and whare the ennemies war knowin to be, and cryed to his fellowes that war at the yett macking defence, "Ware befoir;" and so fyres a great peace, and thareafter another, which G.o.d so conducted, that after thame was no farther persuyt maid; for the bullates redounded fra the wall of the Freir Kirk, to the wall of Sanct Katherine's Chapell, which stood direct foiranent it, and fra the wall of the said Chapell to the said Kirk wall agane, so oft, that thare fell mo then ane hundreth of the French, att those two schottis only. Thei schott oft, but the French reteired with diligence, and returned to Edinburgh, without harme done, except the destructioun of some drynkin bear, which lay in the saidis Chappell and Kirk. And this was satisfactioun more then yneuht,[566] for the slawchter of the said Capitane and Provest, and for the slawghter of such as war slane with him. This was the begynnyng of the French fruittis.
[SN: THE RECOVERY OF THE CASTELL OF HOME.]
This wynter, in the tyme of Christen Ma.s.se, was the Castell of Home recovered from the Engliss, by the negligence of the Capitane named Dudley.[567]
[SN: THE DEATH OF THE LARD OF RAYTH.]
This wynter also did the Lard of Rayth most innocentlie suffer, and after was forfalted, becaus that he wrait a bill to his sone, Johne Melvin,[568] who then was in England, which was alleged to have bein found in the house of Ormestoun; but many suspected the pauckis[569] and craft of Ringzen c.o.c.kburne, (now called Capitane Ringzeane,[570]) to whome the said letter was delivered. b.u.t.t howsoever it was, thei cruell beastis, the Bischope of Sanctandrois and Abbot of Dumfermling, cea.s.sed nott, till that the head of the said n.o.ble man was strickin from him; especiallie becaus that he was knawin to be ane that unfeanedlie favored the treuth of G.o.ddis word, and was a great freind to those that war in the Castell of Sanctandrois; of whose deliverance, and of G.o.ddis wonderouse wyrking with thame during the tyme of thare bondage, we man now speak, least that in suppressing of so notable a wark of G.o.d, we mycht justlie be accused of ingrat.i.tude.
[SN: THE ENTREATMENT OF THESE OF THE CASTELL OF SANCTANDROIS DURING THARE CAPTIVITY.]
And, first, the princ.i.p.alles being putt in severall houssis, as befoir we have said, great laubouris was maid to mack thame have a good opinioun of the Messe. But cheaflie travail was takin upoun Normond Leslye,[571] the Lard of Grange, and the Lard of Petmyllie,[572] who war in the Castell of Scherisburgh,[573] that thei wold come to the Messe with the Capitane: Who answered, "That the Capitane had commandiment to keape thare bodyes, but he had no power to command thare conscience."
The Capitane replyed, "That he had power to command and to compell thame to go whare he yead." Thei answered, "That to go to any lauchfull place with him, thei wold nott refuise; but to do any thing that was against thare conscience thei wold not, nether for him, nor yitt for the King."
The Capitane said, "Will ye nott go to the Messe?" Thai answered, "No; and yf ye wald compell us, yitt will we displease yow farther; for we will so use our selfis thare, that all those that ar present shall knaw that we dispite it." These same answeris, (and somewhat scharpar,) Williame Kirkcaldye, Petir Carmichaell, and such as war with thame in Mont Sanct Michaell, gave to thare Capitane; for thei said, "Thei wold nott only hear Messe everie day, but that thei wold help to say it, provided that thei mycht stick the preastis, or ellis thei wold nott."
Maister Henry Balnaves,[574] who was in the Castell of Rowane, was most sharplie a.s.saulted of all; for becaus he was judged learned, (as he was, and is, in deid,) tharefoir learned men war appointed to trawall with him, with whome he had many conflictes; but G.o.d so ever a.s.sisted him, that thei departed confounded, and he, by the power of G.o.ddis Spreit, remaned constant in the trewth and profession of the same, without any wavering or declynyng to idolatrie. In the preasone he wrait a most profitable Treatise of Justificatioun,[575] and of the workis and conversatioun of a justifeid man: but how it is suppressed, we know nott. These that war in the galayis war threatned with tormentis, yf thei wold not geve reverence to the Messe, (for at certane tymes the Messe was said in the galay, or ellis heard upoun the sch.o.a.r, in[576]
presence of the forsaris;) b.u.t.t thei could never mack the poorest of that c.u.mpanye to geve reverence to that idole. Yea, when upoun the Setterday at nycht, thei song thare _Salve Regina_, the hole Scottishmen putt on thare cappes, thare hoodis, or such thing as thei had to cover thare headis; and when that otheris war compelled to kyss a paynted brod, (which thei called "Nostre Dame,") thei war not prea.s.sed after ones; for this was the chance. [SN: MEARY FACT.] Sone after the arrivall at Nances,[577] thare great _Salve_ was song, and a glorious painted Lady was brought in to be kissed, and, amongis otheris, was presented to one of the Scotishmen then cheyned. He gentillye said, "Truble me nott; such ane idole[578] is accurssed; and tharefoir I will not tuich it."
The Patron and the Arguesyn, with two officeris, having the cheaf charge of all such materis, said, "Thow salt handill it;" and so thei violentlie thrust it to his face, and putt it betuix his handis; who seing the extremitie, tooke the idole, and advisitlie looking about, he caist it in the rivare, and said, "Lett our Lady now saif hir self: sche is lycht aneuch; lett hir learne to swyme." After that was no Scotish man urged with that idolatrie.
These ar thingis that appear to be of no great importance; and yit yf we do rychtlie considder, thei expresse the same obedience that G.o.d requyred of his people Israell, when that thei should be caryed to Babylon; for he gave charge unto thame, that when thei should see the Babylonians wirschipe thare G.o.ddis of gold, silver, mettall, and woid, that thei should say, [SN: JERE. 10.] "The G.o.ddis that have nott maid the heavin and the earth shall perish frome the heavin, and out of the earth." That confessioun gave that hole nomber, during the tyme of thare bondage: in the which, wald G.o.d thei had continewed in thare fredome; for then had nott Maister James Balfour bein Officiall,[579] neyther yitt borne a cope[580] for pleasur of the Bischope. But to proceid. The said Maister James and Johne Knox being intill one galay, and being wounderous familiare with him, wold often tymes ask his judgement, "Yf he thought that ever thei should be delivered?" Whose answer was ever, fra the day that thei entered in the galayis, "That G.o.d wald deliver thame from that bondage, to his glorie, evin in this lyef." [SN: _QUaeVIS MULTA SINT JUSTORUM MALA._] And lyeing betuix Dundye and Sanctandrois, the secound tyme[581] that the galayis returned to Scotland, the said Johne being so extreamlye seak, that few hoped his lyeff, the said Maister James willed him to look to the land, and asked yf he knew it?
Who answered, "Yes: I knaw it weall; for I see the stepill of that place, whare G.o.d first in publict opened my mouth to his glorie, and I am fullie persuaded, how weak that ever I now appear, that I shall nott departe this lyif, till that my toung shall glorifie his G.o.dlie name in the same place." This reported the said Maister James in presence of many famous witness, many zearis befoir that ever the said Johne sett his futt in Scotland, this last tyme, to preache.
[SN: JOHNE KNOX HIS ANSUER AND COUNSALL TO THE CAPTIVES.]
Williame Kirkcaldy, then of Grange, youngar, Petir Carmichaell, Robert and Williame Leslyes, who war altogetther in Mont Sanct Michaell,[582]
wrait to the said Johnne, asking his counsall, "Yf thei mycht with saif conscience break thare preasone?" Whose answer was, "That yf without the blood of any sched of spilt by thame for thare deliverance, thei mycht sett thame selfis at fredome, that thei mycht saiflye tak it: but to sched any manes bloode for thare fredome, thairto wold he never consent." Adding farther, "That he was a.s.sured that G.o.d wold deliver thame, and the rest of that c.u.mpany, evin in the eis[583] of the world; but not by such meanes as we had looked for, that was by the force of freindis, or by thare other labouris." By such meanes he affirmed thei should nott be delivered, but that G.o.d wold so wirk in the deliverance of thame, that the praise thairof should redound to his glorie onlye. He willed, tharefoir, everie one to tack the occasioun that G.o.d offerred unto thame, providing that thei committed nothing against G.o.ddis expresse commandiment, for deliverance of thame selves. He was the more earnest in geving his counsall, becaus that the old Larde of Grange,[584] and otheris, repugned to thare purpoise, fearing least that the eschaping of the otheris should be ane occasioun of thare wa.r.s.e entreatment. Whareunto the said Johnne answered, "That such fear proceided nott from G.o.ddis Spreat, but only from ane blynd luif of the self; and tharefor, that no good purpoise was to be stayed for thingis that war in the handis and power of G.o.d." And added, "That in one instant G.o.d delivered all that c.u.mpany in the handis of unfaythfull men, but so wald he nott releave thame. But some wald he deliver by one meanes, and at one tyme, and otheris must abyd for a season upon his good pleasur." This counsall in the end embrased, upoun the Kinges Evin,[585] when French men commonlie use to drynk liberallie, the foirsaid four personis, having the helpe and conducting of a boy of the house, band all those that war in the Castell, putt thame in syndrie houssis, locked the doores upon thame, took the keyis from the Capitane, and departed, without harme done to the persone of any, or without tueching of any thing that apparteaned to the King, the Capitane, or the house.
[SN: THE ESCHAPING OF WILLIAME KIRKCALDYE AND HIS FELLOWIS FURTH OF MONT SANCT MICHAELL.]
Great search was maid throweh the hole countrey for thame.[586] But it was G.o.ddis gud pleasur so to conduct thame, that thei eschaped the handis of the faithless, albeit it was with long travaill, and grait pane and povertie susteaned; for the French boy left thame, and took with him the small poise that thei had; and so nether having money, nor knawledge of the countrey, and farther fearing that the boy should discrive thame, (as that in verray dead he did,) thei took purpose[587]
to devid thame selfis, to change thare garmentis, and to go in sindrie partes. The two brethrein, Williame and Robert Leslyes,[588] (who now ar become, the said Robert especiall, ennemies to Christ Jesus and to all vertew,) came to Rowane. Williame Kirkcaldy and Petir Carmichael, in beggaris garment, came to Conqwet,[589] and by the s.p.a.ce of twelf or threttein weakis, thei travalled as poore marinaris, frome porte to porte, till at lenth thei gat a French schipe, and landed in the Weast, and from thense came to England, whare thei mett befoir thame the said Johne Knox, who that same wynter was delivered, and Alexander Clerk[590]
in his c.u.mpany.
The said Johne[591] was first appointed preachar to Berwik, then to Newcastell; last he was called to London, and to the sowth partes of England, whare he remaned to the death of King Edwart the s.e.xt.[592]
When he left England, then he pa.s.sed to Geneva, and thare remaned at his privat study, till that he was called by the Engliss[593] congregatioun, that then was a.s.sembled at Franctfoorde, to be preachear to thame: Which vocatioun he obeyed, (albeit unwillinglye,) at the commandiment of that notable servand of G.o.d, JOHNE CALVYNE. At Franctfoord he remaned, till that some of the learned, (whose names we suppress,) moir gevin to unprofitable ceremonies,[594] then to synceritie of religioun, began to qwerrall with the said Johnne; and becaus thei dispared to prevaill befoir the Magistrat thare, for the establissing of thare corruptionis, thei accused him of treasone committed against the Emperour, and against thare Soverane Quein Marie, that in his ADMONITIOUN TO ENGLAND,[595] he called the one lytill inferiour to Nero, and the other more cruell then Jezabell. The Magistrat perceaving thare malice, and fearing that the said Johnne should fall in the handis of his accusatouris, by one meane or by other, gave advertisment secreatlie to him to departe thare citie; for thei could not saif him yf he ware required by the Emperour, or by the Quein of England in the Emperouris name; and so the said Johne returned to Geneva, from thense to Deape, and thairafter to Scotland, as we shall after hear.
The tyme and that wynter that the galayes remaned in Scotland, war delivered Maister James Balfour, his twa brethrein, David and Gilbert, Johne Auchinlek, Johnne Sibbald, Johne Gray, William Gutthery, and Stevin Bell.[596] The gentilmen that remaned in preasonis war, by the procurement of the Quein Dowager, to the Cardinall of Lorane and to the King of France, sett at libertie in the moneth of Julij, Anno 1550; who schorte tharefter war called to Scotland,[597] thare peax proclamed, and thei thame selfis restored to thare landis, in dyspite of thare ennemies. And that was done in hatterent of the Duck, becaus that then France begane to thrist to have the regiment of Scotland in thare awin handis. How soever it was, G.o.d maid the heartis of thare ennemyes to sett thame at libertie and fredome. Thare rested a nomber of commoun servandis yitt in the galayes, who war all delivered upoun the contract of peace that was maid betuix France and England, after the tackin of Bullon; and so was the haill c.u.mpany sett at libertie, none peris.h.i.+ng,[598] (no nott befoir the world,) except James Melvin, who departed from the miserie of this lyif in the Castell of Byrst in Bartainzea.[599]
[SN: THE SLAUGHTER OF THAT VILLANE DAVY.]
This we wryte to lett the posteriteis to come understand, how potentlye G.o.d wrought in preserving and delivering of these that had b.u.t.t a small knowledge of his trewth, and for the luif of the same hasarded all; that yf that eyther we now in our dayis, having grettar lycht, or our posteriteis that shall follow us, shall see ane fearfull dispersioun of such as oppone thame selfis to impietie, or tack upoun thame to punishe the same, otherwiese then lawis of men will permite: yf, (we say,) we or thei[600] shall see such left of men, yea, as it war, dispyssed and punished of G.o.d; yit lett us nott dampne the personis that punish vice, (and that for just caussis;) nor yitt dispare, b.u.t.t that the same G.o.d that dejectes, (for causes unknawin to us,) will raise up agane the personis dejected, to his glorye and thare conforte. And to lett the world understand in plane termes what we meane, that great abusar of this commoun wealth, that pultron and vyle knave Davie, was justlie punished, the nynt of Merch, in the year of G.o.d[601] J^m. V^c. threscore fyve, for abusing of the commoun wealth, and for his other villany,[602]
which we list nott to express, by the counsall and handis of James Dowglas, Erle of Morton, Patrik Lord Lyndesay, and the Lord Ruthven, with otheris a.s.sistaris in thare c.u.mpany, who all, for thare just act, and most worthy of all praise, ar now unworthely left of thare brethrein, and suffer the bitterness of banishement and exyle. But this is our hope in the mercyes of our G.o.d, that this same blynd generatioun, whither it will or nott, shalbe compelled to see that he will have respect to thame that ar injustlye persewed; that he will apardoun thare formar offenses; that he will restore thame to the libertie of thare countrey and common wealth agane; and that he will punish, (in dispyte of man,) the head and the taill, that now trubles the just, and manteanes impietie. [SN: THE REULARIS OF MARY, ANNO 1566, AND THAIRE PREDICTIOUN.] The head is knawin: the taill hes two branches; the temporall Lordis that manteane hir abhominationis, and hir flattering counsallouris, blasphemous Balfour, now called Clerk of Register,[603]
Sinclar Deane of Restalrige and Bischope of Brechin, blynd of ane eie in the body, but of boithe in his saule,[604] upoun whome G.o.d schortlie after took vengeance; [John[605]] Leslye, preastis gett,[606] Abbot of Londorse and Bischope of Ross, Symon Preastoun of Craigmyllare,[607] a right epicureane, whose end wilbe, or it be long, according to thare warkis. b.u.t.t now to returne to our Historye.
Haddingtoun being keapt,[608] and much hearschipe done about in the countrey, (for what the Engliss men destroyed nott, that was consumed by the French,) G.o.d begynnis to feght for Schotland; for in the toun he send a peast so contagious, that with great difficultie could thei have thare dead buryed. Thei war oft refresched with new men, but all was in vane. Hunger and pest within, and the persuyt of the ennemy with a campe volant lay about thame, and intercepted all victuallis, (except when thei war brought by ane convoy from Berwik,) so constrayned thame that the Counsall of England was compelled in spring tyme to call thare forses from that place; and so spuilzeing and burnyng some parte of the toune, thei left it to be occupyed to such as first should tack possessioun,--and those war the Frenchmen, with a meane nomber of the ancient inhabitantis. And so did G.o.d performe the woordis and threatnyng of his servand, Maister George Wisharte, who said, "That for thare contempt of G.o.ddis messinger, thei should be visited with sweard and fyre, with pestilence, strangearis, and famyne;" which all thei fand in such perfectioun, that to this day yitt, that toune hes neyther recovered the formar beautie, nor yit men of such wisdome and habilitie, as then did inhabite it.
Hearafter was Peace contracted betuix France and England and Scotland;[609] yea, a severall Peace was contracted betuix Scotland and Flanderis, togetther with all the Easterlingis; so that Scotland had peace with the world.[610] b.u.t.t yitt wold thare Bischopcs maik warr against G.o.d; for how sone that ever thei gat any qwyetness, thei apprehended Adame Wallace,[611] alias Fean, a sempill man, without great learnyng, but ane that was zelous in G.o.dlynes and of ane uprycht lyeff.
He, with his wyif Beatrice Levingstoun, frequented the c.u.mpany of the Lady Ormestoun,[612] for instructioun of hir childrein, during the truble of hir husband, who then was banissed. This b.a.s.t.a.r.d, called Bischope of Sanctandrois, took the said Adame furth of the place of Wyntoun,[613] (men supposed that thei thowght to have apprehended the Lard,) and caryed him to Edinburgh; whare, after certane dayis, he was presented to judgement in the Kirk of the Blak thevis alias Freiris,[614] befoir the Duik, the Erle of Huntley, and diverse otheris besydis, the Bischoppes and thare rable. Thei begyn to accuse him, (Maister Johnne Lauder[615] was Accusatour,) [SN: THE ACCUSATIOUN OF ADAME WALLACE AND HIS ANSWERIS.] "That he took upoun him to preach." He answered, "That he never judged himself worthy of sa excellent a vocatioun, and tharefoir he never took upoun him to preach; but he wold not deny, b.u.t.t sometymes at the table, and sometymes in other prevey places, he wald reid, and had red the Scriptures, and had gevin such exhortatioun as G.o.d pleaseth to geve to him, to such as pleased to hear him." [SN: THE PAPISTICALL MANER OF ACCUSATIOUN.] "Knave, (quod ane,) what have ye to do to medle with the Scriptures?" "I think, (said he,) it is the dewitie of everie Christiane to seak the will of his G.o.d, and the a.s.surance of his salvatioun, whare it is to be found, and that is within his Old and New Testament." "What then, (said ane other,) shall we leave to the Bischoppis and Kirkmen to do, yf everie man shalbe a babler upoun the Byble?" "It bec.u.mith[616] yow, (said he,) to speak more reverentlie of G.o.d, and of his blessed worde: Yf the judge war uncorrupt, he wald punish yow for your blasphemye. But to your questioun, I answer, That albeit ye and I, and other fyve thowsand within this realme, should read the Byble, and speak of it what G.o.d should geve us to speak, yitt left we more to the Bischoppes to do, nor eyther thei will or yit can weill do; for we leave to thame publictly to preach the Evangell of Jesus Christ, and to fead the flock, which he hath redeamed by his awin bloode, and hes commanded the same to the cayre of all trew pastouris. And when we leave this unto thame, me think we leave to thame a heavy burdein; and that we do unto thame na wrong, althowght we search our awin salvatioun whare it is to be found, considdering that thei ar but dum doggis, and unsavery salt, that hes altogither lost the sea.s.son." The Bischoppes heirat offended, said, "What pratting is this? Lett his accusatioun be redd."
And than was begun, "False tratour, heretik, thow baptised thy awin barne: Thow said, thare is no Purgatorie: Thow said, that to pray to Sanctes and for the dead is idolatrie and a vane superst.i.tioun, &c. What sayis thow of these thinges?" He answered, "Yf I should be bound to answer, I wold requyre an uprycht and indifferent judge." The Erle of Hunteley[617] disdanefullie said, "Foolishe man, wilt thow desyre ane uther judge nor my Lorde Dukis Grace, great Governour of Scotland, and my Lordis the Bischoppes, and the Clargy hear present?" Whairto he answered, "The Bischoppes can be no judges to me; for thei ar oppen ennemyes to me and to the doctrin that I professe. And as for my Lord Duck, I can not tell yf he hes the knowledge that should be in him that should judge and decerne betuix lyes and the trewth, the inventionis of men and the trew wirschipping of G.o.d. I desyre G.o.ddis word (and with that he produced the Byble) to be judge betuix the Bischoppes and me, and I am content that ye all hear, and yf by this book, I salbe convict to have tawght, spokin, or done, in materis of religioun, any thing that repugnes to G.o.ddis will, I refuise not to dye; but yf I can nott be convict, (as I am a.s.sured by G.o.ddis woord I sall nott,) then I in G.o.ddis name desyre your a.s.sistance, that malicious men execut not upoun me injust tyranny." The Erle of Hunteley said, "What a babling foole is this? Thow shalt gett none other judges then those that sitt heir."
Wharunto the said Adam ansured, "The good will of G.o.d be done. But be ye a.s.sured, my Lord, with sic measur as ye mett to otheris, with the same measur it shalbe mett to yow agane. I know that I shall dye, but be ye a.s.sured, that my blood shalbe requyred of your handis."
[SN: PROTESTATIOUN OF THE ERLE OF GLENCARNE.]
Alexander Erle of Glencarne,[618] yitt alyve, said to the Bischope of Orknay,[619] and otheris that satt ney him, "Tack yow yon, my Lordis of the Clargye;[620] for hear I protest, for my parte, that I consent nott to his death." And so, without fear, prepared the said Adam to answer.
And first, to the baptising of his awin child, he said, "It was and is als lauchfull to me, for lack of a trew minister, to baptise my awin child, as that it was to Abraham to circ.u.mcise his sone Ismael and his familie. And as for Purgatorie, praying to Sanctes, and for the dead, I have oft redd, (said he,) boith the New and Old Testamentis, but I nether could find mentioun nor a.s.surance of thame; and tharefoir, I beleve, that thei ar but mear inventionis of men, devised for covetousnes saik." "Weall, (quod the Bischope,) ye hear this, my Lordis." "What sayis thow of the Messe?" spearis the Erle of Huntley. He ansuered, "I say, my Lord, as my master Jesus Christ sayis, 'That which is in greatast estimatioun befoir men, is abomination befoir G.o.d.'" [SN: LUCae. [16.]] Then all cryed out, "Heresye! heresye!" And so was the sempill servand of G.o.d adjudged to the fyre; which he patientlie susteaned that same day, at after nune, upoun the Castell-hill.[621]
The Works of John Knox Volume I Part 11
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