A Political Diary, 1828-1830 Part 21
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I afterwards said that he would see by Sir Thomas Munro's memorandum of December 31, 1824, that he thought we had succeeded better in the judicial than in the fiscal administration of India, and in the criminal better than in the civil branch of the judicial government. This I said to show I had read Sir T. Munro's memorandum, which he did not give me credit for having done; and that it was not so much to the judicial as to the revenue branch that he should have directed his attention, with a view to improvements-- the field being greater.
I then said I did not doubt that there were capable natives to be found, but I did doubt that they would be selected, for that the European servants had disappointed me. The natives were better than I expected, &c., &c.
Saw the Duke. Suggested to him Sir J. Malcolm's being made provisional successor to Lord W. Bentinck for the reasons I have mentioned. He thought well of the suggestion; but said we must consider it, and mention it in Cabinet, as Lord William was a great card, and we must not do anything to offend unnecessarily him and his connection. The objection occurred to him that had occurred to me, that Sir J. Malcolm would die if he went to Calcutta. I hope he would not go there, that he would remain in the upper provinces. But I look to the effect of the nomination upon the conduct of people in India, and that of Lord William himself, more than to his actual succession.
The Duke then said we must look not to India only, but to all Asia, and asked me if I had read Evans's book. I told him I had; that in forty-eight hours after I read it I had sent a copy to Macdonald and another to Malcolm. I told him all the views I had with regard to the navigation of the Indus and the opening of a trade with Cabul and Bokhara. He said our minds appeared to have been travelling the same way. We must have good information of what the Russians might be doing there. I reminded him I had desired the Government a year ago to obtain information as to all the countries between the Caspian and the Indus, and I intended now to give a more particular direction. He said Macdonald should have his eye upon the Caspian, and information as to those countries would be best obtained through natives. I reminded him that that had been the suggestion in my letter of last year. The Duke's opinion is that it is a question of _expense only_. That if the Russians got 20,000 or 30,000 men into Cabul we could beat them; but that by hanging upon us there they could put us to an enormous expense in military preparation, and in quelling insurrections.
They could not move in that direction without views hostile to us, and by threatening us there they would think to embarra.s.s us in Europe. I proposed that in the event of the Russians moving in that direction we should permit the Government of India to act as an Asiatic Power. By money at least, he allowed, without further orders, not to move in advance without instructions. But the Duke is ready to take up the question here in Europe, if the Russians move towards India with views of evident hostility.
He approves of a message going at once with orders to Macdonald.
_December 18._
Chairs. They will consider favourably Mrs. Hastings's case; but she must address her representation to them.
I told them of my suggestion of making Malcolm provisional successor to Lord William, and the reasons for it. They seemed to like the idea; but the same objection occurred to them which had occurred to the Duke and to me-- that if Malcolm went to Calcutta he would die. I said I did not want him to go. I did not look to his going. I looked to the moral effect of the appointment upon Lord William and upon all their servants in India. They want to get some political man of high rank and talents and determined character to go. They are heartily sick of Lord William. Whom they want to send I do not know.
I told them of my conversation with the Duke and went over the same ground.
They acquiesced in all I said. We shall have the missions to Scinde and to Lah.o.r.e, and the commercial venture up the Indus, and the instruction to Macdonald. In short, all I want.
Despatches are at hand from Lord William, dated May 1, in triplicate, and without the minutes which are referred to as containing the sentiments of the Government. These despatches merely refer the subject to the consideration of the Court.
One Jones, it seems, has written almost all the memorials, and is considered a rebel more than a Radical.
We had a little conversation respecting the future Government of India. I told them it must be a strong Government, and I doubted whether in its present form it could secure obedience in India. It required more of appearance. They seemed to feel that. Astell acknowledged there was nothing imposing in the name of 'the Company,' and that the present Government was fallen into contempt.
I told them I was satisfied that the patronage and the appeals should always remain where they were. I paid them a high compliment, which they justly deserve, upon the fairness of their conduct in deciding upon the claims of their servants.
They feel their Government is weak in its last year; but that the Ministers could not do otherwise than have a committee.
_December 18._
Wrote a letter to the Duke, which he may send to the King, stating the result of my communication to the Chairs respecting Mrs. Hastings.
Requested information as to the trade of the Caspian, that carried on by the caravans to Bokhara, and the general condition of that country, desiring likewise that means might be taken to keep us constantly informed of any movements made by the Russians towards the Sea of Aral, and of any attempt to make establishments on the east coast of the Caspian.
Wrote to the Duke to tell him what was done and how entirely the Chairs entered into his views.
_December 19._
Wrote to Loch to suggest that he should send Meyendorff's and Mouravief's books to Macdonald.
Read a clever pamphlet on the China trade, and in coming down to Worthing all the papers Hardinge sent me relative to the new pension regulations.
_December 20._
Read Meyendorff's 'Tour in Bokhara.' It contains all the information I want as to the commerce between Bokhara and Russia. We can easily supply Bokhara with many things the Russians now furnish, and with all Indian goods cheaper by the Indus than the Ganges; but what the Bokharians are to send us in return I do not well see, except turquoises, lapis lazuli, and the ducats they receive from Russia. We may get shawls cheaper by navigating the Indus.
_December 21._
Read the memorandum the Chairs gave me respecting the application of steam navigation to the internal and external communications of India. It has been prepared carefully and ably, and is very interesting. It suggests the navigation of the Euphrates to Balis or Bir by steam, and thence the pa.s.sage by Aleppo to Latakia or Scanderoon. It likewise suggests that it might be more expeditious to cross the desert from Suez to Lake Menzaleh, or direct to the sea.
_December 22._
Wrote to Lord Hill, telling him of Sir G. Walker's dangerous illness, and intimating the importance, under the present circ.u.mstances of Madras, of having not only a good soldier as Commander-in-Chief, but a man possessed of good civil qualities.
Sent a copy of this letter to the Duke.
_December 25._
Read a memorandum of Jones on the last mission to Lah.o.r.e, and a very long secret despatch in 1811 upon the subject of Runjeet Singh's attempt to establish himself on the left bank of the Sutlege, and his retreat in consequence of remonstrances and military demonstration on the part of the British Government.
_December 26._
Called by appointment on Lady Macdonald, who came here to speak to me about Sir J. Macdonald's salary and position at Tabriz. She says that after the letter he wrote, representing the inexpediency of Sir H. Willock's remaining as his first a.s.sistant and the non-existence of any necessity for two a.s.sistants, if the Bengal Government do not recall Willock Sir J.
Macdonald cannot remain. She has likewise a good deal to say respecting the salary. I think 9,000 a year a proper salary. The Amba.s.sador at Constantinople has 8,000 and a house; but Constantinople is on the sea, and the charge of bringing European goods to Tabriz through Russia is so considerable that 1,000 a year ought to be added for the charge.
_December 29._
Received three letters from Lord W. Bentinck, of July 6 and 8 and August 2.
In that of the 6th he speaks of my private letter to Sir J. Malcolm, published in the 'Calcutta Newspaper.' In that of the 8th he sends it to me, the names being altered, and all between brackets being interpolated, and in fact in the light of comment. In that of August 2 he speaks of the temper of the army, &c., and all public subjects. I have sent the three letters to the Duke.
I was glad to have my letter. I can defend every word in it. It contains the simile of the elephants, which I am sorry for, as I fear those described _as tame_ may be foolish enough to endeavour to show they are not so by affecting a degree of vivacity beyond their nature; but still I can defend it.
Lord William describes his position as not agreeable, having to effect the odious work of reduction. [Footnote: Besides the burning question of 'Half- Batta,' Lord W. Bentinck's administration was regarded as hostile in spirit to that of his predecessors, and so disliked by those who had served under them, especially by the military.] He says that in India no man thinks of anything but MONEY, that the local government has incurred great odium by carrying into effect the orders of the home authorities. He recommends Sir Charles Metcalfe as a man standing by Malcolm's side, and fit for the government of Bombay. I a little fear Sir Charles Metcalfe. He is rather too vehement. I doubt whether he would be a safe man. I am quite sure Courtney would be a very unfit man. The Governor of Bombay ought to be an Indian, but who is there?
Lord William represents the Burmese Government as a barbarian Government.
He says they have sacrificed all who a.s.sisted us, and that the difficulty in retroceding the Tena.s.serim provinces would be to know what to do with the 35,000 people who have sought our protection.
This report makes the wisdom of our recent policy yet clearer than it appeared before.
_December 31._
Read twenty papers on the opium treaties and management in Central India.
The Supreme Government have decided upon no longer limiting the extent of cultivation in Malwa, and upon permitting the free transit of the drug.
This was expedient because undoubtedly our restrictions led to the most hostile feelings on the part both of princes and people, to the injury of the traders, to violent and offensive interference on our part in the internal policy of foreign States, and to smuggling protected by large bodies of armed men. The smugglers would soon have been Pindarries. This system began only in 1825. It was forced upon the small States, and not upon that of Gwalior, so that smuggling defeated the object.
_January 2, 1830._
A Political Diary, 1828-1830 Part 21
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