A Political Diary, 1828-1830 Part 50

The Prince of Orange certainly went to the Hague. He was received there enthusiastically. The proposition he takes is for Federal union. I fear he must submit to some modification of that, or encounter real opposition and civil war.

_September 9._

Hardinge gives me rather an indifferent account of Ireland. Great animosity still existing between the Catholics and Protestants in the _lower_ ranks; in the higher, peace. A revolutionary disposition raised in the middle cla.s.ses by the example of Prance. Great dissatisfaction in consequence of the proposed taxation of last session.

He told the Duke, and so did Arbuthnot, that he might dispose of their offices if he wanted them. He seems to think Peel is tired and anxious to withdraw--annoyed at the idea of being unpopular, an idea the defeat of his brothers has given him. This makes him less energetic than he should be with respect to the measures necessary to strengthen himself in the House of Commons.

_September 10._

It seems the desire of separation is general in the Netherlands. It is the result of national prejudice and vanity. The Dutch seem just as violent the other way, and the deputies were rather in danger at Rotterdam. The separation will probably defeat the objects of the great Powers in 1814, for it is idle to expect such terms of Federal union as will enable the two States to act cordially together.

_September 11._

By withdrawing his troops from the palace, and going to the Hague, the Prince of Orange has ruined his cause. He has appeared to give it up.

_September 13._

Read on my way to London the intelligence obtained by Lord Heytesbury relative to the Russian trade with Tartary and on the Caspian. It is very full and satisfactory.

The 'Times' has a sensible article on the state of France; the want of materials to form a const.i.tutional monarchy, the growing dissatisfaction that _more_ is not done in a revolutionary sense, and the irresponsible power of a deliberative army of 800,000 men.

Ghent and Antwerp seem to cling to the connection between Holland and Belgium, and I begin to hope that if France is tranquil the Bruxellois and Liegeois may grow tired and become reasonable. Men cannot play at barricades long when no one attacks them.

_September 14._

House of Lords. I had to wait half an hour for the seals, which were carelessly carried off by Lady Lyndhurst in her carriage.

Talked to Rosslyn. He told me Aberdeen was led to expect another revolution in France. The paper they were going to prosecute was an _affiche_ calling upon the French people to overthrow _l'aristocratie bourgeoise_, which was as bad as the other, and to divide the lands.

In the Netherlands the people and their leaders are divided, and if Antwerp and Ghent, &c., remain firm, it signifies little what Brussels does.

Brussels will be brought into terms by distress.

Rosslyn thinks some of the Whigs as well as of the Tories will be alarmed by events on the Continent and support Government.

He hears of no negotiations for accessions.

The people of Brunswick, very justly provoked, have turned the Duke [Footnote: This was the eccentric Duke who died a few years ago at Geneva, bequeathing his whole property to the city, who have erected a monument to him.] out of the town and burnt his palace. He escaped with ten Hussars. He deserves his fate. I believe he is mad. He is a complete _vaurien._

When Parliament is prorogued, as to-day, the peers are without their robes.

The Chancellor was in his legal dress. The Commons appear without a summons by their clerks, and the Chancellor merely desires the proclamation to be read. However, as it is held, _improperly,_ to be the first day of the sitting of Parliament, the return of the Scotch peers is laid on the table.

All this is sanctioned by precedent, but contrary to reason.

_September 20, 1830._

Wrote a long letter to Hardinge upon the political consequences of Huskisson's death, [Footnote: He was killed, as is well known, at the opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway.] urging the introduction of Palmerston and Stanley. The latter to Vent the junction of the Whig aristocracy with the Radicals.

I am sure, if measures are not taken immediately, we shall have all the Huskissonians, Whigs and Ultra-Tories (the last are insane), united against us.

Received from Sir J. Malcolm a letter with some enclosures about suttees.

He has reluctantly and fearfully abolished suttee, making it culpable homicide to a.s.sist, and murder to force the victim. He has done it, I think, wisely by a repeal of a clause in one regulation and an amendment.

Thus not putting it vainly forward as Lord William did in a pompous doc.u.ment.

He has abolished the Military Board, I believe, very wisely; but there may be a difficulty with the Duke, if I cannot do it without talking to him about it. I believe Sir J. Malcolm is quite right, and that there would have been no hope of preserving a system of real economy had the Military Board been permitted to remain.

I am curious to see his measure of checks on expenditure, that if it be good it may be adopted at the other Presidencies.

Received some letters from Lord W. Bentinck. Lord Dalhousie has been very ill, and the command of the army would fall, Lord William says, into the weakest hands, if anything happened to him.

The spirit of the army was becoming better, I gather from Lord William's letter, but it required much attention. I have been thinking all day of what measures may be adopted for improving it.

_September 21._

Office. Read to Cabell my memorandum on the alterations which might be introduced into the army, which I wrote hurriedly this morning. He was long in the military department, and can be of much use. Cabinet room. I think the result of Lord Stuart's dispatches is that the moderate party are gaining strength. I should say the facts we see in the newspapers lead to a different conclusion.

The Ministers and the old leading members of the Chamber of Deputies act manfully against the crowd. Their declarations of intention are satisfactory. I really believe they mean to act honestly if they can.

Austria seems to have hesitated about the acknowledgment of the King of the French after the receipt of a dispatch from Petersburg, and Metternich, who seems to be growing weak, wavered after he had received General Belliard very cordially.

Prussia, that is _the King,_ hesitated about signing the letter to Louis Philippe when he heard of the doubts of Austria. The result, however, is that all _entraines_ by us will acknowledge; the Emperor of Russia, who was the most reluctant, having determined to do so if the others did. I should say there is this satisfactory conclusion to be drawn from what we have seen, that if France showed a disposition to aggrandise herself all Europe would be against her.

The object of the French Government is to place France exactly in the position in which she stood a fortnight before the ordonnances--that is, Talleyrand's wish, and he has _redige_ his own instructions.

Read Aberdeen's letter, dated the 17th, stating the necessity of maintaining cordial intercourse with and between Spain and Portugal, and intimating that on the promulgation of an amnesty according to the terms recently communicated England will resume diplomatic relations with Miguel, but not otherwise.

Spain seems to be sensible. There was a movement of folly about Royalist volunteers which was put down, and the Government seems by no means disposed to give way to Absolutists. If the Queen should have a son Spain will probably be tranquil.

Talleyrand pretends the French will be reasonable about Algiers. I do not wish them to be so. I believe they could not have made a worse purchase.

They will find the possession very expensive. Their troops will hate it, they will have nothing beyond their outposts, and it is no port.

My first opinion is strengthened, that they could not be worse than if they were left as they are.

_September 24._

The populace and the burghers at Brussels have quarrelled, and fought a little. It seems the Liberals and the Catholics, [Footnote: They have formed the two opposing parties in the Belgian Chambers since the country became an independent State. They had temporarily united against Protestant Holland.] as the others are called, have been long diverging. The deputies and men of property, excepting M. de Sta.s.sart, have become alarmed. The Prince de Ligne and D'Aremberg and others have left Brussels. On the 21st, probably the 20th, in the evening a proclamation was published at Antwerp by Prince Frederick of Orange, noticing the excesses of the populace, and announcing that the troops would relieve the burgher guard. This must have been done in concert with the influential persons of the town who are alarmed for their property. The Liegeois are very violent. They will be expelled from Brussels. No more can get there, as the road is interrupted.

The Dutch have but 20,000 men, of whom the Belgians are as three to five.

The Belgians had begun to desert, but they did not join the Bruxellois in any numbers. The hanging of some of the Brussels mob would have an excellent effect.

The Government of France seems to become weaker, and to permit things which discredit it.

A night or two ago some _ouvriers_ insisted on going into the King's bedroom, after he was gone to sleep, woke him, and made him make a speech sitting up in his bed. Twelve departments have united against indirect taxes, and few pay those which are direct. Meanwhile, the Algerine treasure has been pillaged by the officers of the army, and s.h.i.+ps clearing for Toulon go elsewhere to land it. They want a loan, while the fallen Government would have had a surplus. They will find the raising of a loan difficult. The French are displeased by the coldness of Austria and Prussia, and by the marching of Austrian and Prussian troops.