Ancient Rome : from the earliest times down to 476 A. D Part 9
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CHAPTER XIX. THE THIRD PUNIC WAR, AND FALL OF CARTHAGE.
Fifty years had pa.s.sed since Zama. It was a period of great commercial prosperity for Carthage, but her government was weakened by the quarrels of conflicting factions.
MASINISSA, King of Numidia, an ally of the Romans, was a continual source of annoyance to Carthage. He made inroads upon her territory, and, as she was bound by her treaty not to war upon any allies of Rome, her only recourse was to complain to the Senate. In 157 an emba.s.sy was sent to inquire into the troubles. MARCUS PORCIUS CATO, the chief of the emba.s.sy, was especially alarmed at the prosperity of the city, and from that time never ceased to urge its destruction. The emba.s.sy did not reach any decision, but allowed matters to go on as they might. Finally, when some sympathizers with Masinissa were banished from the city, he attacked and defeated the Carthaginians, compelled their army to pa.s.s under the yoke, and afterwards treacherously destroyed it (150).
Carthage was compelled to give up some of her territory, and pay $5,000,000 indemnity.
After this victory, matters came to a crisis. The city must be disciplined for warring with an ally of Rome. Cato never failed to close any speech he might make in the Senate with the same cruel words, _Delenda est Carthago_, "Carthage must be destroyed." The people of Carthage were called to account. Desponding and broken-hearted, they sent amba.s.sadors to Rome. The answer given them was obscure. They were requested to make reparation to Rome, and at the same time they were a.s.sured that nothing should be undertaken against Carthage herself.
But in 149 the Consuls crossed with a large army into Sicily, where the troops were organized, and Carthaginian amba.s.sadors were expected.
When they appeared, the Consuls declared that the Senate did not wish to encroach upon the freedom of the people, but only desired some security; for this purpose it demanded that, within thirty days, three hundred children of the n.o.blest families should be delivered into their hands as hostages. This demand was met. The Romans then coolly crossed over to Africa, and informed the Carthaginians that they were ready to treat with them on any question not previously settled.
When the amba.s.sadors again appeared before the Consuls, they were told that Carthage must deliver over all her arms and artillery; for, they said, as Rome was able to protect her, there was no need of Carthage possessing arms. Hard as was this command, it was obeyed. They were then told that Carthage had indeed shown her good will, but that Rome had no control over the city so long as it was fortified. The preservation of peace, therefore, required that the people should quit the city, give up their navy, and build a new town without walls at a distance of ten miles from the sea. The indignation and fury which this demand excited were intense. The gates were instantly closed, and all the Romans and Italians who happened to be within the city were ma.s.sacred.
The Romans, who expected to find a defenceless population, imagined that the storming of the place would be an easy matter. But despair had suggested to the Carthaginians means of defence in every direction.
All a.s.saults were repelled. Everybody was engaged day and night in the manufacture of arms. Nothing can be more heartrending than this last struggle of despair. Every man and every woman labored to the uttermost for the defence of the city with a furious enthusiasm.
Two years after the siege began, PUBLIUS CORNELIUS SCIPIO AFRICa.n.u.s, the Younger, was elected Consul while but thirty-seven (under the legal age), for the express purpose of giving him charge of the siege. After two years of desperate fighting and splendid heroism on the part of the defenders, the famished garrison could hold out no longer.
Carthage fell in 146, and the ruins of the city burned for seventeen days. The destruction was complete. A part of her territory was given to Numidia. The rest was made a Roman province, and called AFRICA.
The year 149 saw the death of two men who had been Carthage's most bitter enemies, but who were not allowed to see her downfall,--MASINISSA and CATO, the one aged ninety, the other eighty-five.
Masinissa's (239-149) hostility dates from the time he failed to get the promised hand of Hasdrubal's daughter, Sophonisba, who was given to his rival, Syphax. After the battle of Zama, most of the possessions of Syphax fell to Masinissa, and among them this same Sophonisba, whom he married. Scipio, however, fearing her influence over him, demanded her as a Roman captive, whereupon she took poison. Masinissa was a courageous prince, but a convenient tool for the Romans.
CATO THE ELDER (_Major_), (234-149,) whose long public career was a constant struggle with the enemies of the state abroad, and with the fas.h.i.+ons of his countrymen at home, was a type of the _old_ Roman character, with a stern sense of duty that forbade his neglecting the interests of state, farm, or household. In 184, in his capacity as Censor, he acted with extreme rigor. He zealously a.s.serted old-fas.h.i.+oned principles, and opposed the growing tendency to luxury. All innovations were in his eyes little less than crimes. He was the author of several works, one of which, a treatise on agriculture, has been preserved.
Cicero's "Cato Major" represents him in his eighty-fourth year discoursing about old age with Africa.n.u.s the younger, and Laelius, a friend of the latter.
CHAPTER XX. ROME AND SPAIN.-THE NUMANTINE AND SERVILE WARS. (206-132.)
Africa.n.u.s the elder left Spain in 206. After a provincial government of nine years (206-197), the country was divided into two provinces, separated by the IBeRUS (Ebro), and each province was a.s.signed to a praetor. It was some time, however, before Spain was really brought into a state of complete peace and order. The mountains and forests were a formidable obstacle to the Roman legions, and favored guerilla warfare, which makes conquest slow and laborious.
The most warlike of the Spanish tribes was the CELTIBeRI, who occupied the interior of the peninsula. They were always uncertain and intractable, continually breaking out into revolt. In 195, Cato the elder put down a rebellion led by them. He established more firmly the Roman power east of the Iberus. He disarmed the inhabitants of this part of Spain, and compelled all from the Pyrenees to the Guadalquivir to pull down their fortifications.
Still the smouldering fires of rebellion were not extinguished, for, sixteen years later (179), we find TIBERIUS SEMp.r.o.nIUS GRACCHUS, the father of the famous Gracchi, as Governor of Spain, fighting the troublesome Celtiberi. He captured over one hundred of their towns, but tempered his victories with moderate measures, showing himself greater in peace than in war. He granted to the poorer cla.s.ses lands on favorable conditions, and did much to produce contentment among the natives. But farther west, in the valleys of the Douro and Tagus, and in Lusitania (Portugal), there seems to have been constant warfare.
In 154, MUMMIUS, the same who eight years later sacked Corinth, was Governor of Farther Spain. His defeat by the Lusitanians encouraged the Celtiberi to revolt again, and there followed another defeat, with a ma.s.sacre of many Roman citizens. Two years later (152), CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS avenged these losses, founded Corduba, and governed the country humanely. His successors, LUCIUS LUCULLUS and SERVIUS GALBA, were so cruel and grasping as to drive the Lusitanians into another open rebellion, headed by VIRIaTHUS, a bold and daring bandit. During seven years (147-140) he defeated again and again the armies sent against him.
The Celtiberi joined his standards, and Spain seemed likely to slip from the Romans. The only check to these successes was during the command of METELLUS MACEDONICUS (143); when he was recalled, matters returned to their former condition.
In 140, the Consul Mancinus was obliged to capitulate, and, to save himself and his army, made a treaty which the Senate refused to sanction.
Viriathus was finally (139) a.s.sa.s.sinated by persons hired by the Consul Caepio; his people were then subdued, and the government was ably conducted (138) by DECIMUS JUNIUS BRUTUS.
THE NUMANTINE WAR (143-133).
The Celtiberi, however, were still in arms. The strong city of NUMANTIA, the capital of one of their tribes, witnessed more than one defeat of a Roman Consul before its walls (141-140). Finally Rome sent out her best general, Africa.n.u.s the younger.
After devoting several months to the disciplining of his troops, he began (134) a regular siege of the place. It was defended with the utmost bravery and tenacity, until, forced by the last extreme of famine, it surrendered (133). The inhabitants were sold as slaves, and the town was levelled to the ground. The victor was honored with the t.i.tle of NUMANTiNUS.
The fall of Numantia gave Rome a hold upon the interior of Spain, which was never lost. The country now, with the exception of its northern coast, was nominally Roman territory. Several towns were established with Latin munic.i.p.al rights _(municipia)_, and, on the whole, order was maintained. Along the coast of the Mediterranean there sprang up many thriving and populous towns, which became centres of civilization to the neighboring districts, and were treated by Rome rather as allies than as subjects. Some of them were allowed to coin the silver money of Rome.
The civilizing process, due to Roman influence, went on rapidly in these parts, while the interior remained in barbarism.
In 105 the peninsula was overrun by the Cimbri, a barbarous race from the north. The country was ravaged, but finally saved by the brave Celtiberi, who forced the invaders back into Gaul.
THE SERVILE WAR (134-132).
While the Numantine war was still in progress, a war with the slaves broke out in Sicily, where they had been treated with special barbarity.
For a long time slave labor had been taking the place of that of freemen. The supply was rendered enormous by constant wars, and by the regular slave trade carried on with the sh.o.r.es of the Black Sea and Greece. The owners of the slaves became an idle aristocracy.
The immediate cause of the outbreak in Sicily was the cruelty of a wealthy slave-owner, Damophilus. The leader of the slaves was EUNUS, who pretended to be a Syrian prophet. A number of defeats were suffered by the Roman armies, until, finally, PUBLIUS RUTILIUS captured the strongholds of the slaves, TAUROMENIUM and ENNA, and thus closed the war. For his success he was allowed an ovation.
CHAPTER XXI. INTERNAL HISTORY.--THE GRACCHI. We have seen how the long struggle between the patricians and plebeians terminated in a nominal victory for the latter. From about 275, the outward form of the old const.i.tution had undergone little change. It was nominally that of a "moderate democracy." The Senate and offices of state were, in law, open to all alike. In practice, however, the const.i.tution became an oligarchy. The Senate, not the Comitias, ruled Rome. Moreover, the Senate was controlled by a cla.s.s who claimed all the privileges of a n.o.bility. The Comitias were rarely called upon to decide a question.
Most matters were settled by a DECREE OF THE SENATE (_Senatus Consultum_). To be sure the Comitia declared for war or peace, but the Senate conducted the war and settled the conditions of peace. It also usually a.s.signed the commands, organized the provinces, and managed the finances.
The causes for this ascendency of the Senate are not hard to find. It was a body made up of men capable of conducting affairs. It could be convened at any time, whereas the voters of the Comitias were scattered over all Italy, and, if a.s.sembled, would not be competent to decide questions demanding knowledge of military matters and foreign policy.
The Senate and the Roman n.o.bility were in the main the same. All patricians were n.o.bles, but all n.o.bles were not patricians. The patricians were the descendants of the original founders of the city.
The n.o.bles were the descendants of any one who had filled one of the following six curule offices, viz. Dictator, Magister Equitum, Consul, Interrex, Praetor, or Curule Aedile. These n.o.bles possessed the right to place in their hall, or carry in funeral processions, a wax mask of this ancestor, and also of any other member of the family who had held a curule office.
A plebeian who first held this office was called a _novus h.o.m.o_, or "new man."
The Senate, thus made up of patricians and n.o.bles, had at this time the monopoly of power. Legally, however, it had no positive authority.
The right of the people to govern was still valid, and there was only wanting a magistrate with the courage to remind them of their legal rights, and urge the exercise of them.
Such a magistrate was found in TIBERIUS SEMp.r.o.nIUS GRACCHUS. With him was ushered in the contest which lasted for more than a century, and brought to the surface some of the proudest names of Roman history.
On one side or the other we find them,--MARIUS and SULLA, CAESAR and POMPEY, AUGUSTUS and ANTONY--arraying Rome against herself, until the glories of the Republic were swallowed up in the misrule and dishonor of the Empire.
Tiberius Semp.r.o.nius Gracchus the elder (see Chapter XX.) belonged to the n.o.bility, but not to the aristocracy. He married CORNELIA, the daughter of Africa.n.u.s the elder. They had twelve children, of whom all but three died young. Two sons and a daughter lived to maturity. The daughter, SEMp.r.o.nIA, married Africa.n.u.s the younger. The sons, TIBERIUS and GAIUS, grew up under the care of their n.o.ble and gifted mother, who was left a widow when they were mere boys.
Tiberius (164-133) entered the army, and served under his brother-in-law during the third Punic war. Ten years later (136) he was Quaestor in Spain, where he won the affections of the people by adhering to the mild policy which his father had previously followed. His popular measures here displeased his brother-in-law, and he ceased to be a favorite with him. On his return home he pa.s.sed through Tuscany where he was astonished to see large tracts of the _ager publicus_ (see Chapter VII.) cultivated by slave gangs, while the free poor citizens of the Republic were wandering in towns without employment, and deprived of the land which, according to law (see the Licinian Rogations), should have been divided among them, and not held in large quant.i.ties by the rich land-owners.
Tiberius determined to rectify this wrong. In 133 he offered himself as candidate for the tribunes.h.i.+p, and was elected. He then began boldly the battle for the commons. He proposed to revise the Agrarian Law, now a dead letter, which forbade the holding of more than 320 acres of the _ager publicus_ by one individual. Occupants who had fenced this land and improved it were to be compensated therefor.
The wealthy cla.s.ses and the Senate at once took sides against Tiberius, and the struggle began. One of the other Tribunes, OCTAVIUS CAECiNA, who was himself a large land-owner, taking advantage of his authority as Tribune, interposed his veto to prevent a vote upon the question.
Gracchus, full of enthusiasm over the justice of his cause, obtained, contrary to all precedent, the removal of his colleague from office, and pa.s.sed his Agrarian Law. Three commissioners were appointed, himself, his brother, and his father-in-law, APPIUS CLAUDIUS, to carry it into effect.
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