The Teaching and Cultivation of the French Language in England Part 27
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Robert Garnier (Sch.e.l.ling, _Elizabethan Drama_, ii. pp. 5 _sqq._ and p.
512). In 1612 licence was granted N. Bulter to print an English translation from French of so popular a work as Ovid's _Metamorphoses_ (_Stationers' Register_, iii. 489).
[499] The _Histoire tragi-comique de nostre temps sous les noms de Lysandre et de Caliste_ (1615) was the work of d'Audigier.
[500] Thus the _Preau des Fleurs meslees, contenant plusieurs et differentz discours_ of Francois Voilleret, sieur de Florizel, was printed in London in 1600 (?), and dedicated to the Prince of Wales. In 1620 it was licensed to be printed in French and English, provided the English translation be approved. In 1619 a French translation of Bacon's _Essays_ was published at London, and in 1623 Field received a licence to print a French translation of Camden's _Annals_ (originally in Latin) by J. Bellequent, avocat au Parlement de Paris (_Stationers' Register_, iv. 106).
[501] As did Shakespeare (cp. Schmidt, _Shakespeare Lexicon_, Berlin, 1902, vol. ii.) and several of the lesser poets. French refrains were also sometimes used, as in Greene's _Never too Late_ (Infida's song):
"Wilt thou let thy Venus di, N'oseres vous mon bel amy?
Adon were unkinde say I, Je vous en prie, pitie me: N'oseres vous mon bel, mon bel, N'oseres vous, mon bel amy?"
See S. Lee, _French Renaissance in England_, Oxford, 1910, p. 243.
Sylvester even ventured to write poems in French.
[502] _Lives of Ed. and John Philips, nephews of Milton_ (1694), reprinted by William G.o.dwin, 1815, pp. 362-3.
[503] _Letters_, Camden Soc., 1854, p. 13, and _pa.s.sim_.
[504] Upham, _op. cit._ p. 8.
[505] In 1551 the New Testament and a Book of Prayers in French were printed by Thomas Gaultier. _Handlist of Books_, Bibliographical Society, 1913.
[506] The German historian's commentary, _De Statu religionis et reipublicae Carolo Quinto Caesare_, appeared in Latin in 1555, and in French in 1557.
[507] _Le theatre du monde ... revue et corrige par C. de Sainliens_, 1595. Printed by George Bishop and dedicated to "the Scotch Amba.s.sador, Jacques de Betoun, Archevesque de Glasco."
[508] Which was very popular. It reached twelve editions before the end of the century.
[509] No doubt the poet Claude Collet.
[510] Cp. _Stationers' Register_, iii. 468. Another work of a religious nature was the _Catechisme ou instruction familiere sur les princ.i.p.aus points de la Religion Chrestienne_ (par M. Dielincourt), _Stationers'
Register_, iii. 410.
[511] _Stationers' Register_, ii. 451, 452.
[512] 1656, pp. 12-13.
[513] _Inst.i.tution of a young n.o.bleman_, p. 152.
[514] _Directions for forreine travel_ (1642), ed. Arber, 1869, p. 21.
CHAPTER VI
FRENCH AT THE UNIVERSITIES
The universities set the grammar schools the example by neglecting the study of French and other subjects necessary to a polite education. Even the limited encouragement given to the modern language at the universities during the Middle Ages no longer existed in the sixteenth century. At this date Latin reigned supreme at Oxford and Cambridge, and its use was rigorously enforced. The students were required "to speak in Latin at public places" or otherwise "incur the penalty contained in the statute regarding this point."[515] It is true that these regulations were not always obeyed; Fynes Moryson says that scholars in the universities shun occasions of speaking Latin. But it was none the less the chief language cultivated at the universities,[516] where no modern languages received official recognition.
The mediaeval custom of using French on various academic occasions had not, however, disappeared without leaving a few traces. Some of the French forms of procedure favoured in the Middle Ages, probably owing to the influence of the University of Paris, were still in use at Cambridge in the seventeenth century. The books of two Cambridge beadels, Beadel Stokys (_c._ 1570) and Beadel Buck (1665),[517] show that on several occasions these officials were instructed to use French during public ceremonies. Thus, at the solemn exercise of determination, one of the beadels gave thanks for the money he and his fellows received, in the following terms: [Header: FRENCH AND ITALIAN READ] "Noter Determiners je vous remercie de le Argent que vous avez donner a moy et a meis companiouns, pourquoy je prie a Dieu que il vous veuille donner tres bonne vie et en la Fin la Joye de Paradise." In similar "Stratford-atte-Bowe" French they summoned the lecturers in the 'schools' to be present on commencement day: "Nostre Seigneur Doctor, une parolle sil vous Plaist, nostres Peres de nostres Seigneurs Commencens vous prient que vous estes demayn a son commencement en l'eglise de nostre Dame." And throughout the ceremonies[518] in Arts and Theology similar French formulae, often interspersed with Latin, were frequently used, though they had probably pa.s.sed out of use by the beginning of the eighteenth century. But even at that time the summons to dinner at New College still retained a trace of the old custom; two choristers walked from the chapel door to the garden gate crying, "Tempus est vocando, mangez tous seigneurs."
Yet modern languages were not entirely neglected by all university students. Gabriel Harvey, in an interesting letter to a certain Mr.
Wood, says that the students of Cambridge have "deserted Thomas Aquinas and the whole rabblement of schoolmen for modern French and Italian works such as Commines and Machiavell, Paradines in Frenche, Plutarche in Frenche, and I know not how many outlandish braveryes of the same stamp." "You can not stepp into a schollars studye," he adds, "but (ten to on) you shall litely finde open either Bodin _de Republica_ or Le Royes exposition uppon Aristotles Politiques, or some other like Frenche or Italian Politique Discourses."[519]
Thus we may safely conclude that French and to a less extent Italian books were widely read at the universities. No doubt, those who learnt Italian did so with the help of a dictionary or an English translation, like Lord Herbert of Cherbury. But there were additional opportunities for learning the more popular language. French tutors and French grammars were not unknown at both Oxford and Cambridge. But it was at Oxford that they were by far the more numerous. The tutors taught French privately to those of the students who were willing to learn. And Holyband in dedicating his _French Schoolemaister_ (1573) to the young Robert Sackville, then a student at Oxford, throws light on the att.i.tude taken towards that language: "not that you shuld leave off your weightier and worthier studies in the Universitie, but when your mind is amazed and dazled with long readinge, you may refresh and disport you in learninge this [French] tongue."
Protestant refugees formed an important section of the little band of private French tutors at Oxford. Many Huguenots, frequently scholars of distinction, settled at the English centres of learning. Some were promoted to positions in the University,[520] on which they had a very beneficial influence, just as others received preferment in the English Church. The French tutors were among the humbler and more numerous exiles who "taught privately," as the seventeenth-century historian of the University, Anthony a Wood, tells us. Apart from those who actually taught French, the presence of considerable numbers of Frenchmen[521]
cannot have been without some indirect influence on the study of French at Cambridge, as well as at Oxford.
In addition, several French tutors accompanied their pupils to the University, and spent some time with them there. Such, no doubt, was the case of Peter Du Ploich who, for some unknown reason, was residing in Barnard College (now St. John's), Oxford, early in the second half of the sixteenth century. Another well-known French tutor, G. De la Mothe, accompanied his pupil Richard Wenman to Oxford, some time between 1587 and 1592. About ten years before, we come across a famous Protestant, Jean Hotman, sieur de Villiers St. Paul, resident at Oxford with his pupils, the sons of Lord Poulet, English amba.s.sador at Paris; while attending to the education of his charges he completed his own, and received the degree of Doctor. Subsequently he became secretary to Leicester, and was thus brought into contact with the English Court.[522] The younger Pierre Du Moulin likewise remained with his pupil Richard Boyle when at Oxford.[523] [Header: FRENCH GRAMMARS PRINTED AT OXFORD] Among tutors who spent a short time at Oxford, and then joined the larger and more successful group of language teachers in London, was John Florio,[524] well known as a writer of books for teaching Italian, and himself of Italian parentage, though born in London. In about 1576 he became tutor for French and Italian to Emmanuel, son of Richard Barnes, Bishop of Durham, and to several other Oxford students. He was, we are told, a "very useful man in his profession." Shortly after, he removed to London, where he enjoyed favour at Court.
Of more importance, however, is the group of private tutors who settled at Oxford, found a clientele among the University students, and frequently wrote and published French grammars for the use of their pupils. There was evidently some demand for instruction in French at Oxford early in the sixteenth century. The bookseller John Donne enters a book called _Frans and Englis_ twice in the register of books he sold in 1520;[525] this may have been either Caxton's Book in French and English, or the similar collection of dialogues printed by Pynson and Wynkyn de Worde in turn.
The first book for teaching French printed at Oxford was due to a Frenchman called Pierre Morlet, a native of Auteuil, who taught French at Oxford in the last decade of the sixteenth century. His _Janitrix sive inst.i.tutio ad perfectam linguae gallicae cognitionem acquirendum_ was issued from the press of Joseph Barnes in 1596.[526] The dedication, dated from Broadgates Hall the 5th of March of the same year, is addressed to Morlet's former pupil, Sir Robert Beal. This rare little treatise contains a few observations on the p.r.o.nunciation of the letters, followed by a concise treatment of each part of speech in turn.
It is preceded by a number of commendatory verses in Latin and Greek, tributes from Morlet's pupils, students of the various colleges. Morlet had previously prepared a revised edition of Jean Garnier's French grammar, which was published at Jena in 1593,[527] no doubt before his coming to England.
As might be expected, most of the early Oxford French grammars, written for the use of Oxonians, differ from those published at London in that they are composed in Latin. They differ further in containing no practical exercises and restricting their contents to rules of grammar.
All the French grammars published at Oxford were not due to Frenchmen.
In 1584 a Spanish refugee, Antonio de Corro, resident at Christ Church, after acting as minister of the Spanish Church in London, had antic.i.p.ated Morlet by adding a few rules on French p.r.o.nunciation and accidence to his Spanish Grammar,[528] written in his own language. This was subsequently translated into English in 1590 by J. Thorius, also of Christ Church, and printed in London as _The Spanish Grammer with certaine Rules teaching both the Spanish and French tongues_. Several grammars were likewise produced by Englishmen resident at Oxford, and teaching the French language. Among others was John Sanford, or Sandford, chaplain of Magdalen College, and the author of the French grammar which succeeded Morlet's. Sanford wrote in Latin, and ent.i.tled his work _Le Guichet Francois, sive Janicula et Brevis Introductio ad Linguam Gallicam_. It was published by Joseph Barnes in 1604,[529] and dedicated to Dr. Bond, president of Magdalen. Sanford compiled his observations on the p.r.o.nunciation and parts of speech from the various French grammars published in both France and England; he drew largely on Morlet, as well as Bellot and Holyband; and made equally free with de Beze, Pillot, and Ramus.
He varied his duties as chaplain by giving lessons in French. In 1605 he was teaching French to that "hopefull young gentleman Mr. William Grey, son to the Rt. Honourable Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton," and found "good contentement" in his "happy progresse therein." Called away temporarily by other duties, Sanford made an English translation of the Latin work, which he addressed to his young charge "as a pledge of my duteous love towards your good deserts, and as my subst.i.tute to supplie my absence, being willing also for your sake to make a publicke use therof." The _Janicula_ appeared in its new form, much abridged as well as translated, in 1605, under the t.i.tle of _A Briefe Extract of the former Latin Grammar_.[530] It is significant that although this English translation was printed by Barnes at Oxford, it was mainly intended for a London public, and was "to be sold in Paules Church Yard at the signe of the Crowne by Simon Waterson."
[Header: SALTONSTALL AND LEIGHTON]
Sanford retained his position at Magdalen for some years after the appearance of his grammars. In about 1610 he was travelling abroad as chaplain to Sir John Digby, whose acquaintance he had made when Sir John was a student at Balliol.[531]
Other well-known English teachers of French at Oxford were Wye Saltonstall and Henry Leighton. Wye Saltonstall came of a n.o.ble family in Ess.e.x. He was educated at Queen's College, Oxford, where "his descent and birth being improved by learning, flatter'd him with a kinder fortune than afterwards he enjoyed his life being all _Tristia_." He is said to have then gone to Gray's Inn, Holborn, without taking a degree at Oxford, and afterwards to have become a perfect master of French, which he had acquired during his travels. In 1625 he returned to Oxford for purposes of study and converse with learned men. There he taught Latin and French, and was still living in good repute in 1640 and after.[532]
Henry Leighton, on the other hand, had not so good a reputation at the University. He is said to have been a man of debauched character, and to have obtained the degree of M.A. in anything but a straightforward manner; when Charles I. created more than seventy persons M.A. on the 1st of November 1642, Leighton, who then bore a commission in the king's army, contrived to have the degree conferred on himself by presenting himself at dusk, when the light was very low, though his name was not on the list. When the king's cause declined, Leighton, who had received the greater part of his education in France, and was an accomplished French scholar, settled at Oxford as a teacher of French, and had a room in St.
John's College. Apparently he continued to teach French until 1669, the year of his death.[533]
He was the author of a French grammar written in Latin, called _Linguae Gallicae addiscendae regulae_, printed in 1659,[534] and again in 1662.
Beginning with rules for the p.r.o.nunciation of each letter, the author pa.s.ses to observations on the articles, nouns, p.r.o.nouns, and verbs; he then returns to the p.r.o.nunciation, gives fuller rules for the more difficult sounds, and closes with a list of irregular verbs.[535]
Leighton says he published his work at the request of his friends. He dedicated it (in French) to Henry O'Brien, baron of Ibrecken, only son of the Earl of Th.o.m.ond, expressing, in words very like those used by Holyband on a similar occasion, the hope that this "divertiss.e.m.e.nt," as he calls the grammar, may help to while away time not occupied by more serious and important studies. Thus we see that the general att.i.tude towards the study of French was still, in the middle of the seventeenth century, very much what it had been in the preceding century.
In the meantime other grammars had appeared from the pens of French sojourners at Oxford. One, Robert Farrear, a teacher of French, wrote a grammar in English for the use of his pupils, _The Brief Direction to the French Tongue_, printed at Oxford in 1618. Nothing further is known of its author. Anthony a Wood[536] informs us that in the t.i.tle of the book Farrear inscribed himself M.A., but "whether he took that degree or was incorporated therein in Oxford" he could not discover.
The works on French which appeared at Oxford were not all formal grammars of the type described. Pierre Bense, a native of Paris, who taught Italian and Spanish as well as French, was the author of the _a.n.a.logo-Diaphora seu Concordantia Discrepans et Discrepantia Concordans trium linguarum Gallicae, Italicae et Hispanicae_, commended by Edward Leigh in his _Foelix Consortium or a fit Conjuncture of Religion and Learning_ (1663). This comparison of the resemblances and differences in the grammar of the three languages is dedicated to the University of Oxford, and was printed at the author's own expense in 1637.[537] As to Bense himself we are told that he was partly bred "in good letters" at Paris, and then, coming to England, "he went by letters commendatory to Oxon where being kindly received and entertained, became a sojourner there, was entred into the public library, and taught for several years the French, Italian and Spanish tongues." For the rest we must be content to add with Wood: "What other things he hath written I know not, nor any thing else of the author."[538]
[Header: GABRIEL DU GReS]
As yet no French grammars had appeared at Cambridge, and French teachers do not seem to have made their presence felt there.[539] In 1631, however, one of the best known of this group of university French tutors arrived at Cambridge--Gabriel Du Gres, a native of Saumur, and a member of a good family from Angers. He arrived in England as a refugee on account of his Protestant faith, received a warm welcome at Cambridge, and taught French to several of the students in various colleges.[540]
In the fifth year of his residence, the liberality of his pupils enabled him to publish his _Breve et Accuratum Grammaticae Gallicae compendium in quo superflua rescinduntur et necessaria non omittuntur_ (1636), a work on the same lines and of about the same dimensions as that of Morlet.[541] It is preceded by Latin verses addressed to the author by members of different colleges, and is dedicated to the students of the University, especially those engaged in the study of French. This grammar of Du Gres appears to be the only work of its kind printed at Cambridge before the eighteenth century.[542]
Shortly after its publication Du Gres joined the group of French tutors at Oxford,[543] and this removal points to the more ready openings offered there to those of his profession. When he published his _Dialogi Gallico-Anglico-Latini_[544] at Oxford in 1639, he was teaching French in that "most ill.u.s.trious and famous university." These dialogues are dedicated to Charles, Prince of Wales. Twenty-one in number, they deal with the usual familiar topics, greetings and the ordinary civilities, visiting and table talk, the house and its contents, man and the parts of his body, wayfaring, a journey to France, and so forth, many being of much interest on account of the light they throw on the customs of the time. Considerable s.p.a.ce is devoted to instructions for writing letters.
The Teaching and Cultivation of the French Language in England Part 27
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