The Constitution of the United States of America: Analysis and Interpretation Part 26

Congress' power over naturalization is an exclusive power. A State cannot denationalize a foreign subject who has not complied with federal naturalization law and const.i.tute him a citizen of the United States, or of the State, so as to deprive the federal courts of jurisdiction over a controversy between him and a citizen of a State.[1062] But power to naturalize aliens may be, and early was, devolved by Congress upon state courts having a common law jurisdiction.[1063] Also States may confer the right of suffrage upon resident aliens who have declared their intention to become citizens, and have frequently done so.[1064]

RIGHT OF EXPATRIATION: LOSS OF CITIZENs.h.i.+P

Notwithstanding evidence in early court decisions[1065] and in the Commentaries of Chancellor Kent of a brief acceptance of the ancient English doctrine of perpetual and unchangeable allegiance to the government of one's birth, whereby a citizen is precluded from renouncing his allegiance without permission of that government, the United States, since enactment of the act of 1868,[1066] if indeed not earlier, has expressly recognized the right of everyone to expatriate himself and choose another country. Retention of citizens.h.i.+p is not dependent entirely, however, upon the desires of the individual; for, although it has been "conceded that a change of citizens.h.i.+p cannot be arbitrarily imposed, that is, imposed without the concurrence of the citizen," the United States, by virtue of the powers which inhere in it as a sovereign nation, has been deemed competent to provide that an individual voluntarily entering into certain designated conditions shall, as a consequence thereof, suffer the loss of citizens.h.i.+p.[1067]

Exclusion of Aliens

The power of Congress "to exclude aliens from the United States and to prescribe the terms and conditions on which they come in" is absolute, being an attribute of the United States as a sovereign nation. In the words of the Court: "That the government of the United States, through the action of the legislative department, can exclude aliens from its territory is a proposition which we do not think open to controversy.

Jurisdiction over its own territory to that extent is an incident of every independent nation. It is a part of its independence. If it could not exclude aliens, it would be to that extent subject to the control of another power. * * * The United States, in their relation to foreign countries and their subjects or citizens are one nation, invested with powers which belong to independent nations, the exercise of which can be invoked for the maintenance of its absolute independence and security throughout its entire territory."[1068] By the Immigration and Nationality Act of June 27, 1952, some thirty-one categories of aliens are excluded from the United States[1069] including "aliens who are, or at any time have been, members * * * of or affiliated with any organization that advocates or teaches * * * the overthrow by force, violence, or other unconst.i.tutional means of the Government of the United States * * *"[1070]

With this power of exclusion goes also the power to a.s.sert a considerable degree of control over aliens after their admission to the country. By the Alien Registration Act of 1940[1071] it was provided that all aliens in the United States, fourteen years of age and over, should submit to registration and finger printing, and wilful failure to do so was made a criminal offense against the United States. This Act, taken in conjunction with other laws regulating immigration and naturalization, has const.i.tuted a comprehensive and uniform system for the regulation of all aliens and precludes enforcement of a State registration act. Said the Court, speaking by Justice Black: "With a view to limiting prospective residents from foreign lands to those possessing the qualities deemed essential to good and useful citizens.h.i.+p in America, carefully defined qualifications are required to be met before aliens may enter our country. These qualifications include rigid requirements as to health, education, integrity, character, and adaptability to our inst.i.tutions. Nor is the alien left free from the application of federal laws after entry and before naturalization. If during the time he is residing here he should be found guilty of conduct contrary to the rules and regulations laid down by Congress, he can be deported. At the time he enters the country, at the time he applies for permission to acquire the full status of citizens.h.i.+p, and during the intervening years, he can be subjected to searching investigations as to conduct and suitability for citizens.h.i.+p."[1072] The Act of June 27, 1952, repeats these requirements of the Act of 1940.[1073]

Recent cases underscore the sweeping nature of the powers of the National Government to exclude aliens from the United States and to deport by administrative process members of excluded cla.s.ses. In Knauff _v._ Shaughnessy,[1074] decided early in 1950, an order of the Attorney General excluding, on the basis of confidential information, a wartime bride who was prima facie ent.i.tled to enter the United States under The War Brides Act of 1945,[1075] was held to be not reviewable by the courts; nor were regulations on which the order was based invalid as representing an undue delegation of legislative power. Said the Court: "Normally Congress supplies the conditions of the privilege of entry into the United States. But because the power of exclusion of aliens is also inherent in the executive department of the sovereign, Congress may in broad terms authorize the executive to exercise the power, e.g., as was done here, for the best interests of the country during a time of national emergency. Executive officers may be entrusted with the duty of specifying the procedures for carrying out the congressional intent."[1076]

In cases decided in March and April, 1952, comparable results were reached: The Internal Security Act of 1950, section 23, in authorizing the Attorney General to hold in custody, without bail, aliens who are members of the Communist Party of the United States, pending determination as to their deportability, is not unconst.i.tutional.[1077]

Nor was it unconst.i.tutional to deport under the Alien Registration Act of 1940[1078] a legally resident alien because of members.h.i.+p in the Communist Party, although such members.h.i.+p ended before the enactment of the Act. Such application of the Act did not make it _ex post facto_, being but an exercise of the power of the United States to terminate its hospitality _ad libitum_.[1079] And a statutory provision[1080] which makes it a felony for an alien against whom a specified order of deportation is outstanding "to willfully fail or refuse to make timely application for travel or other doc.u.ments necessary to his departure" is not on its face void for "vagueness."[1081]

The power of Congress to legislate with respect to the conduct of alien residents is, however, a concomitant of its power to prescribe the terms and conditions on which they may enter the United States; to establish regulations for sending out of the country such aliens as have entered in violation of law; and to commit the enforcement of such conditions and regulations to executive officers. It is not a power to lay down a special code of conduct for alien residents or to govern private relations with them. Purporting to enforce the above distinction, the Court, in 1909, held void a statutory provision which, in prohibiting the importation of "any alien woman or girl for the purpose of prost.i.tution," provided further that whoever should keep for the purpose of prost.i.tution "any alien woman or girl within three years after she shall have entered the United States" should be deemed guilty of a felony and punished therefor.[1082] Three Justices, however, thought the measure justifiable on the principle that "for the purpose of excluding those who unlawfully enter this country Congress has power to retain control over aliens long enough to make sure of the facts. * * * To this end it may make their admission conditional for three years. * * *"

[And] "if Congress can forbid the entry * * *, it can punish those who cooperate in their fraudulent entry."[1083]

Bankruptcy

PERSONS WHO MAY BE RELEASED FROM DEBT

In an early case on circuit Justice Livingston suggested that inasmuch as the English statutes on the subject of bankruptcy from the time of Henry VIII down had applied only to traders it might "well be doubted, whether an act of Congress subjecting to such a law every description of persons within the United States, would comport with the spirit of the powers vested in them in relation to this subject."[1084] Neither Congress nor the Supreme Court has ever accepted this limited view. The first bankruptcy law, pa.s.sed in 1800, departed from the English practice to the extent of including bankers, brokers, factors and underwriters as well as traders.[1085] a.s.serting that the narrow scope of the English statutes was a mere matter of policy, which by no means entered into the nature of such laws, Justice Story defined a law on the subject of bankruptcies in the sense of the Const.i.tution as a law making provisions for cases of persons failing to pay their debts.[1086] This interpretation has been ratified by the Supreme Court. In Hanover National Bank _v._ Moyses,[1087] it held valid the Bankruptcy Act of 1898 which provided that persons other than traders might become bankrupts and that this might be done on voluntary pet.i.tion. The Court has given tacit approval to the extension of the bankruptcy laws to cover practically all cla.s.ses of persons and corporations,[1088]

including even munic.i.p.al corporations.[1089]

LIBERALIZATION OF RELIEF GRANTED

As the coverage of the bankruptcy laws has been expanded, the scope of the relief afforded to debtors has been correspondingly enlarged. The act of 1800, like its English antecedents, was designed primarily for the benefit of creditors. Beginning with the act of 1841, which opened the door to voluntary pet.i.tions, rehabilitation of the debtor has become an object of increasing concern to Congress. An adjudication in bankruptcy is no longer requisite to the exercise of bankruptcy jurisdiction. In 1867 the debtor for the first time was permitted, either before or after adjudication of bankruptcy, to propose terms of composition which would become binding upon acceptance by a designated majority of his creditors and confirmation by a bankruptcy court. This measure was held const.i.tutional,[1090] as were later acts which provided for the reorganization of corporations which are insolvent or unable to meet their debts as they mature,[1091] and for the composition and extension of debts in proceedings for the relief of individual farmer-debtors.[1092] Nor is the power of Congress limited to adjustment of the rights of creditors. The Supreme Court has also ruled that the rights of a purchaser at a judicial sale of the debtor's property are within reach of the bankruptcy power, and may be modified by a reasonable extension of the period for redemption from such sale.[1093]

The sympathetic att.i.tude with which the Court has viewed these developments is reflected in the opinion in Continental Illinois National Bank and Trust Co. _v._ Chicago, R.I. and P.R. Co.,[1094] where Justice Sutherland wrote, on behalf of a unanimous court: "* * * these acts, far-reaching though they may be, have not gone beyond the limit of Congressional power; but rather have const.i.tuted extensions into a field whose boundaries may not yet be fully revealed."[1095]

CONSt.i.tUTIONAL LIMITATIONS ON THE POWER

In the exercise of its bankruptcy powers Congress must not transgress the Fifth and Tenth Amendments. It may not take from a creditor specific property previously acquired from a debtor nor circ.u.mscribe the creditor's right to such an unreasonable extent as to deny him due process of law;[1096] neither may it subject the fiscal affairs of a political subdivision of a State to the control of a federal bankruptcy court.[1097] Since Congress may not supersede the power of a State to determine how a corporation shall be formed, supervised and dissolved, a corporation which has been dissolved by a decree of a State court may not file a pet.i.tion for reorganization under the Bankruptcy Acts.[1098]

But Congress may impair the obligation of a contract and may extend the provisions of the bankruptcy laws to contracts already entered into at the time of their pa.s.sage.[1099] It may also empower courts of bankruptcy to entertain pet.i.tions by taxing agencies or instrumentalities for a composition of their indebtedness where the State has consented to the proceeding and the federal court is not authorized to interfere with the fiscal or governmental affairs of the pet.i.tioner.[1100] Also bankruptcy legislation must be uniform, but the uniformity required is geographic, not personal. Congress may recognize the laws of the States relating to dower, exemption, the validity of mortgages, priorities of payment and similar matters, even though such recognition leads to different results from State to State.[1101]

THE POWER NOT EXCLUSIVE

Prior to 1898 Congress exercised the power to establish "uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies" only very intermittently. The first national bankruptcy law was not enacted until 1800 to be repealed in 1803; the second was pa.s.sed in 1841 and repealed two years later; the third was enacted in 1867 and repealed in 1878.[1102] Thus during the first 89 years under the Const.i.tution a national bankruptcy law was in existence only sixteen years altogether. Consequently the most important problems of interpretation which arose during that period concerned the effect of this clause on State law. The Supreme Court ruled at an early date that in the absence of Congressional action the States may enact insolvency laws since it is not the mere existence of the power but rather its exercise which is incompatible with the exercise of the same power by the States.[1103] Later cases were to settle further that the enactment of a national bankruptcy law does not invalidate State laws in conflict therewith but serves only to relegate them to a state of suspended animation with the result that upon repeal of the national statute they again come into operation without reenactment.[1104]

CONSt.i.tUTIONAL STATUS OF STATE INSOLVENCY LAWS

A State is, of course, without power to enforce any law governing bankruptcies which impairs the obligation of contracts,[1105] extends to persons or property outside its jurisdiction,[1106] or conflicts with the national bankruptcy laws.[1107] Giving effect to the policy of the federal statute, the Supreme Court has held that a State statute regulating the distribution of property of an insolvent was suspended by that law,[1108] and that a State court was without power to proceed with pending foreclosure proceedings after a farmer-debtor had filed a pet.i.tion in the federal bankruptcy court for a composition or extension of time to pay his debts.[1109] A State law governing fraudulent transfers was found to be compatible with the act of Congress,[1110] as was a statute which provided that a discharge in bankruptcy should be unavailing to terminate the suspension of the driver's license of a person who failed to pay a judgment rendered against him for damages resulting from his negligent operation of a motor vehicle.[1111] If a State desires to partic.i.p.ate in the a.s.sets of a bankrupt it must submit to the appropriate requirements of the Bankruptcy Court with respect to the filing of claims by a designated date; it cannot a.s.sert a claim for taxes by filing a demand therefor at a later date.[1112]

Clauses 5 and 6. _The Congress shall have Power_ * * * To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures.

* * * To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States.

Fiscal and Monetary Powers of Congress

COINAGE, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES

The power "to coin money" and "regulate the value thereof" has been broadly construed to authorize regulation of every phase of the subject of currency. Congress may charter banks and endow them with the right to issue circulating notes,[1113] and may restrain the circulation of notes not issued under its own authority.[1114] To this end it may impose a prohibitive tax upon the circulation of the notes of State banks[1115]

or of munic.i.p.al corporations.[1116] It may require the surrender of gold coin and of gold certificates in exchange for other currency not redeemable in gold. A plaintiff who sought payment for the gold coin and certificates thus surrendered in an amount measured by the higher market value of gold, was denied recovery on the ground that he had not proved that he would suffer any actual loss by being compelled to accept an equivalent amount of other currency.[1117] Inasmuch as "every contract for the payment of money, simply, is necessarily subject to the const.i.tutional power of the government over the currency, whatever that power may be, and the obligation of the parties is, therefore, a.s.sumed with reference to that power,"[1118] the Supreme Court sustained the power of Congress to make Treasury notes legal tender in satisfaction of antecedent debts,[1119] and, many years later, to abrogate the clauses in private contracts calling for payment in gold coin, even though such contracts were executed before the legislation was pa.s.sed.[1120] The power to coin money also imports authority to maintain such coinage as a medium of exchange at home, and to forbid its diversion to other uses by defacement, melting or exportation.[1121]

THE PUNISHMENTS OF COUNTERFEITING

In its affirmative aspect this clause has been given a narrow interpretation; it has been held not to cover the circulation of counterfeit coin or the possession of equipment susceptible of use for making counterfeit coin.[1122] At the same time the Supreme Court has rebuffed attempts to read into this provision a limitation upon either the power of the States or upon the powers of Congress under the preceding clause. It has ruled that a State may punish the utterance of forged coins.[1123] On the ground that the power of Congress to coin money imports "the correspondent and necessary power and obligation to protect and to preserve in its purity this const.i.tutional currency for the benefit of the nation,"[1124] it has sustained federal statutes penalizing the importation or circulation of counterfeit coin,[1125] or the willing and conscious possession of dies in the likeness of those used for making coins of the United States.[1126] In short, the above clause is entirely superfluous. Congress would have had the power which it purports to confer under the necessary and proper clause; and the same is the case with the other enumerated crimes which it is authorized to punish. The enumeration was unnecessary and is not exclusive.[1127]

THE BORROWING POWER VERSUS THE FISCAL POWER

Usually the aggregate of the fiscal and monetary powers of the National Government--to lay and collect taxes, to borrow money and to coin money and regulate the value thereof--have reinforced each other, and, cemented by the necessary and proper clause, have provided a secure foundation for acts of Congress chartering banks and other financial inst.i.tutions,[1128] or making its treasury notes legal tender in the payment of antecedent debts.[1129] But in 1935 the opposite situation arose--one in which the power to regulate the value of money collided with the obligation incurred in the exercise of the power to borrow money. By a vote of eight-to-one the Supreme Court held that the obligation a.s.sumed by the exercise of the latter was paramount, and could not be repudiated to effectuate the monetary policies of Congress.[1130] In a concurring opinion Justice Stone declined to join with the majority in suggesting that "the exercise of the sovereign power to borrow money on credit, which does not override the sovereign immunity from suit, may nevertheless preclude or impede the exercise of another sovereign power, to regulate the value of money; or to suggest that although there is and can be no present cause of action upon the repudiated gold clause, its obligation is nevertheless, in some manner and to some extent, not stated, superior to the power to regulate the currency which we now hold to be superior to the obligation of the bonds."[1131]

Clause 7. _The Congress shall have Power_ * * * To establish Post Offices and post Roads.

The Postal Power

"ESTABLISH"

The great question raised in the early days with reference to the postal clause concerned the meaning to be given to the word "establish"--did it confer upon Congress the power to _construct_ post offices and post roads, or only the power to _designate_ from existing places and routes those that should serve as post offices and post roads? As late as 1855 Justice McLean stated that this power "has generally been considered as exhausted in the designation of roads on which the mails are to be transported," and concluded that neither under the commerce power nor the power to establish post roads could Congress construct a bridge over a navigable water.[1132] A decade earlier, however, the Court, without pa.s.sing upon the validity of the original construction of the c.u.mberland Road, held that being "charged, * * *, with the transportation of the mails," Congress could enter a valid compact with the State of Pennsylvania regarding the use and upkeep of the portion of the road lying in that State.[1133] The debate on the question was terminated in 1876 by the decision in Kohl _v._ United States[1134] sustaining a proceeding by the United States to appropriate a parcel of land in Cincinnati as a site for a post office and courthouse.

POWER TO PROTECT THE MAILS

The postal powers of Congress embrace all measures necessary to insure the safe and speedy transit and prompt delivery of the mails.[1135] And not only are the mails under the protection of the National Government, they are in contemplation of law its property. This principle was recognized by the Supreme Court in 1845 in holding that wagons carrying United States mail were not subject to a State toll tax imposed for use of the c.u.mberland Road pursuant to a compact with the United States.[1136] Half a century later it was availed of as one of the grounds on which the national executive was conceded the right to enter the national courts and demand an injunction against the authors of any wide-spread disorder interfering with interstate commerce and the transmission of the mails.[1137]

ANTI-SLAVERY AND THE MAILS

Prompted by the efforts of Northern anti-slavery elements to disseminate their propaganda in the Southern States through the mails, President Jackson, in his annual message to Congress in 1835, suggested "the propriety of pa.s.sing such a law as will prohibit, under severe penalties, the circulation in the Southern States, through the mail, of incendiary publications intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection."[1138] In the Senate John C. Calhoun resisted this recommendation, taking the position that it belonged to the States and not to Congress to determine what is and what is not calculated to disturb their security. He expressed the fear that if Congress might determine what papers were incendiary, and as such prohibit their circulation through the mail, it might also determine what were not incendiary and enforce their circulation.[1139]