The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume IV Part 4

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Pa.s.sy, October 14th, 1782.

Sir,

I have but just received information of this opportunity, and have only time allowed to write a few lines.

In my last of the 26th past, I mentioned that the negotiation for peace had been obstructed, by the want of due form in the English commissions appointing their plenipotentiaries. In that for treating with us, the mentioning our States by their public name had been avoided, which we objected to; another is come, of which I send a copy enclosed. We have now made several preliminary propositions, which the English Minister, Mr Oswald, has approved, and sent to his Court. He thinks they will be approved there, but I have some doubts. In a few days, however, the answer expected will determine. By the first of these articles, the King of Great Britain renounces for himself and successors, all claim and pretension to dominion or territory within the Thirteen United States; and the boundaries are described as in our instructions, except that the line between Nova Scotia and New England is to be settled by Commissioners after the peace. By another article, the fishery in the American seas is to be freely exercised by the Americans, wherever they might formerly exercise it while united with Great Britain. By another, the citizens and subjects of each nation are to enjoy the same protection and privileges, in each others' ports and countries, respecting commerce, duties, &c. that are enjoyed by native subjects. The articles are drawn up very fully by Mr Jay, who I suppose sends you a copy; if not, it will go by the next opportunity.

If these articles are agreed to, I apprehend little difficulty in the rest. Something has been mentioned about the refugees and English debts, but not insisted on, as we declared at once, that whatever confiscations had been made in America, being in virtue of the laws of particular States, the Congress had no authority to repeal those laws, and therefore could give us none to stipulate for such repeal.

I have been honored with the receipt of your letters, Nos 14 and 15. I have also received two letters from Mr Lewis R. Morris, both dated the 6th of July, and one dated the 10th of August, enclosing bills for

68,290 livres, 71,380 9,756 ------- In all 149,426 livres,

being intended for the payment of Ministers' salaries for the two first quarters of this year. But as these bills came so late, that all those salaries were already paid, I shall make no use of the bills, but lay them by till further orders; and the salaries of different Ministers not having all the same times of falling due, as they had different commencements, I purpose to get all their accounts settled and reduced to the same period, and send you the state of them, that you may be clear in future orders. I see in one of the estimates sent me, that a quarter's salary of a Minister is reckoned at 14,513 livres, in the other it is reckoned 16,667 livres, and the bill for 9,756[6] livres is mentioned as intended to pay a balance due on the remittance of the 68,290 livres. Being unacquainted with the state of your exchange, I do not well comprehend this, and therefore leave the whole for the present, as I have said above. Permit me only to hint for your consideration, whether it may not be well hereafter to omit mention of sterling, in our appointments, since we have severed from the country to which that denomination of money is peculiar; and also to order the payment of your Ministers in such a manner, that they may know exactly what they are to receive, and not be subject to the fluctuations of exchange. If it is that, which occasions the difference between 14,583 for the first quarter, and the 16,667 for the second, it is considerable. I think we have no right to any advantage by the exchange, nor should we be liable to any loss from it. Hitherto we have taken 15,000 for a quarter, (subject however to the allowance or disallowance of Congress) which is lower than the medium between those two extremes.

The different accounts given of Lord Shelburne's character, with respect to sincerity, induced the Ministry here to send over M. de Rayneval, Secretary to the Council, to converse with him, and endeavor to form by that means a more perfect judgment of what was to be expected from the negotiations. He was five or six days in England, saw all the Ministers, and returned quite satisfied, that they are sincerely desirous of peace, so that the negotiations now go on with some prospect of success. But the Court and people of England are very changeable. A little turn of fortune in their favor sometimes turns their heads; and I shall not think a speedy peace to be depended on, till I see the treaties signed. I am obliged to finish.

With great esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

FOOTNOTE:

[6] This was not merely to pay a balance, but an excess on account of contingencies. _Note by Mr Livingston_.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

Pa.s.sy, October 15th, 1782.

Sir,

A long and painful illness has prevented my corresponding with your Excellency regularly.

Mr Jay has, I believe, acquainted you with the obstructions our peace negotiations have met with, and that they are at length removed. By the next courier expected from London, we may be able perhaps to form some judgment of the probability of success, so far as relates to our part of the peace. How likely the other powers are to settle their pretensions, I cannot yet learn. In the mean time, America is gradually growing more easy, by the enemy's evacuation of their posts; as you will see by some intelligence I enclose.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

FROM T. TOWNSHEND TO B. FRANKLIN.

Whitehall, October 23d, 1782.

Sir,

As Mr Strachey is going from hence to Paris, with some particulars for Mr Oswald, which were not easily to be explained in writing, I take the liberty of introducing him to your acquaintance, though I am not sure that he is not a little known to you. The confidential situation in which he stands with me, makes me particularly desirous of presenting him to you.

I believe, Sir, I am enough known to you, for you to believe me, when I say, that there has not been from the beginning a single person more averse to the unhappy war, or who wishes more earnestly than I do, for a return of peace and mutual amity between Great Britain and America.

I am, with great regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

T. TOWNSHEND.

TO THOMAS TOWNSHEND.

Pa.s.sy, November 4th, 1782.

Sir,

I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me by Mr Strachey, and was much pleased with the opportunity it gave me of renewing and increasing my acquaintance with a gentleman of so amiable and deserving a character.

I am sensible you have ever been averse to the measures that brought on this unhappy war; I have, therefore, no doubt of the sincerity of your wishes for a return of peace. Mine are equally earnest. Nothing, therefore, except the beginning of the war, has given me more concern than to learn at the conclusion of our conferences, that it is not likely to be soon ended. Be a.s.sured, no endeavors on my part would be wanting to remove any difficulties that may have arisen, or even if a peace were made, to procure afterwards any changes in the treaty that might tend to render it more perfect, and the peace more durable. But we, who are here at so great a distance from our const.i.tuents, have not the possibility of obtaining in a few days fresh instructions, as is the case with your negotiators, and are therefore obliged to insist on what is conformable to those we have, and at the same time appears to us just and reasonable.

With great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Pa.s.sy, November 7th, 1782.

Sir,

The Baron de Kermelin, a Swedish gentleman of distinction, recommended strongly to me by his Excellency, the Amba.s.sador of that nation to this Court, as a person highly esteemed in his own, purposes a journey through North America, to view its natural productions, acquaint himself with its commerce, and acquire such information as may be useful to his country, in the communication and connexion of interests that seem to be growing, and probably may soon become considerable between the two nations. I therefore beg leave to introduce him to you, and request that you would present him to the President of Congress, and to such other persons as you shall think may be useful to him in his views, and I recommend him earnestly to those civilities, which you have a pleasure in showing to strangers of merit.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, November 9th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

Mr Stewart, informing me that he shall set out tomorrow for Paris, will be the bearer of this, and duplicates of my last letters. The want of time will prevent my sending Mr Jay duplicates of the resolutions formerly enclosed to him, which will be the more unnecessary as you will communicate those you receive with this, if my former letters containing them, have not reached him.

We are much flattered by the proposals of Sweden, and feel all the force of its Minister's observations; every new acknowledgment lays the foundation of others, and familiarizes Great Britain with the idea of acknowledging us as sovereign and independent. I feel some pleasure, too, in thinking that you are to be the instrument of procuring us new connexions, and beg leave to remind you of another which calls upon your attention, though it seems to have been forgotten in the hurry of business. I mean that with the States of Barbary. The good dispositions of the Court of France towards us, and the enlarged policy by which their measures are actuated, together with the coolness that at present subsists between the Emperor of Morocco and Great Britain, (if we are well informed) seem to point out this as the favorable moment for making ourselves known to him. As Mr Jay is now with you, I wish you would consult upon the means of bringing this about, so that we may not be shut out of the Mediterranean in future.

The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume IV Part 4

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