The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume V Part 28

The honor of forming the first public inst.i.tution for refining, correcting, improving, and ascertaining the English language, I hope is reserved for Congress; they have every motive that can possibly influence a public a.s.sembly to undertake it. It will have a happy effect upon the union of the States to have a public standard for all persons in every part of the Continent to appeal to, both for the signification and p.r.o.nunciation of the language. The const.i.tutions of all the States in the Union are so democratical, that eloquence will become the instrument, for recommending men to their fellow citizens, and the princ.i.p.al means of advancement through the various ranks and offices of society.

In the last century, Latin was the universal language of Europe.

Correspondence among the learned, and indeed among merchants and men of business, and the conversation of strangers and travellers, was generally carried on in that dead language. In the present century, Latin has been generally laid aside, and French has been subst.i.tuted in its place; but has not yet become universally established, and according to present appearances, it is not probable that it will.

English is destined to be, in the next and succeeding centuries more generally the language of the world, than Latin was in the last, or French is in the present age. The reason of this is obvious, because the increasing population in America, and their universal connexion and correspondence with all nations will, aided by the influence of England in the world, whether great or small, force their language into general use, in spite of all the obstacles that may be thrown in their way, if any such there should be.

It is not necessary to enlarge further, to show the motives which the people of America have to turn their thoughts early to this subject; they will naturally occur to Congress in a much greater detail than I have time to hint at. I would therefore submit to the consideration of Congress, the expediency and policy of erecting, by their authority, a society under the name of "The American Academy, for refining, improving, and ascertaining the English Language." The authority of Congress is necessary to give such a society reputation, influence, and authority, through all the States, and with other nations. The number of members of which it shall consist, the manner of appointing those members, whether each State shall have a certain number of members, and the power of appointing them, or whether Congress shall appoint them, whether after the first appointment, the society itself shall fill up vacancies, these, and other questions, will easily be determined by Congress.

It will be necessary, that the society should have a library, consisting of a complete collection of all writings concerning languages of every sort, ancient and modern. They must have some officers, and some other expenses, which will make some small funds indispensably necessary. Upon a recommendation from Congress, there is no doubt but the Legislature of every State in the confederation would readily pa.s.s a law, making such a society a body politic, enable it to sue, and be sued, and to hold an estate, real or personal, of a limited value in that State. I have the honor to submit these hints to the consideration of Congress.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, September 19th, 1780.

Sir,

The day before yesterday, Mr Dana arrived here from Paris, with the despatches which came by Mr Searle.

I am very sensible of the honor that is done me by this appointment, and yesterday morning I set myself seriously about discharging the duties of it, and this day I have been some leagues into the country upon the same service. There are good reasons for concealing the names of the gentlemen to whom I have applied for advice and a.s.sistance, but they are such as Congress, I think, would have approved if they had themselves been here.

I was told very candidly, that I might possibly be much mistaken in my information; that, possibly, I might think that money was more plenty here than it is; that America had more friends than she has; and that the difficulty of negotiating a loan here was less than it is; that it was mysterious that Congress should empower any gentleman to negotiate a loan, without, at the same time, empowering the same, or some other, to negotiate a political treaty of alliance and commerce, consistent with the treaties already made with other powers; that a Minister Plenipotentiary here, would be advised to apply directly to the Prince and the States-General; that he would not be affronted or ill treated by either, and whether received publicly or not, would be courted by many respectable individuals, and would greatly facilitate a loan.

I was, however, encouraged to hope, that I might have some small success, and was advised to a particular course in order to obtain it, that cannot as yet be communicated. I must, however, apprize Congress, that there are many delicate questions, which it becomes my duty to determine in a short time, and perhaps none of more difficulty than what house shall be applied to, or employed. I have no affections or aversions to influence me in the choice. And shall not depend upon my own judgment alone, without the advice of such persons as Congress will one day know to be respectable. But offence will probably be taken, let the choice fall upon whom it may, by several other houses, that have pretensions and undoubted merit. As this may occasion censure and complaints, I only ask of Congress not to judge of those complaints without hearing my reasons, and this request I presume I need not make. I have only to add, that the moment Mr Laurens shall arrive, or any other gentleman, vested with the same commission, I will render him every service in my power, and communicate to him every information I may possess.

But I ought not to conclude without giving my opinion, that it is absolutely necessary that Mr Laurens, or whoever comes in his place, should have a commission of Minister Plenipotentiary. If that gentleman was now here with such a commission, it would have more influence than perhaps anybody in America can imagine, upon the conduct of this Republic, upon the Congress at Petersburg, and upon the success of Mr Jay, at Madrid.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

_Commission to John Adams, referred to in the preceding Letter._

Whereas, by our commission to Henry Laurens, bearing date the 30th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1779, we have const.i.tuted and appointed him, the said Henry Laurens, during our pleasure, our agent for and on behalf of the said United States, to negotiate a loan with any person or persons, bodies politic and corporate; and whereas the said Henry Laurens has, by unavoidable accidents, been hitherto prevented from proceeding on the said agency, we, therefore, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, ability, conduct, and fidelity, do by these presents, const.i.tute and appoint you, the said John Adams, until the said Henry Laurens, or some other person appointed in his stead, shall arrive in Europe, and undertake the execution of the aforesaid commission, our agent for and on behalf of the said United States, to negotiate a loan with any person or persons, bodies politic and corporate, promising in good faith to ratify and confirm whatsoever shall by you be done in the premises, or relating thereunto.

Witness his Excellency, Samuel Huntington, President of the Congress of the United States of America, at Philadelphia, the 20th day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1780, and in the fourth year of our independence.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, September 16th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to send by this opportunity a few pamphlets and papers. The pamphlets relate to subjects which interest the United States, and therefore ought to be communicated to Congress for their consideration.

The attention of mankind is now turned, next to the Congress of America, upon that at Petersburg. The last letters from London say that they have information, that one of the first measures of this confederation will be an acknowledgment of American independence.

Whether this is true or not, I am not able to say. The councils of the sovereigns of Europe are not easily penetrated; but it is our duty to attend to them, and throw into view such information as may be in our power, that they take no measures inconsistent with their and our interest for want of light, a misfortune that may easily happen. In this view, I could wish that the United States had a minister at each of the maritime Courts, I mean Holland, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, and, as the Cabinet of Berlin has much influence in the politics of Europe, Prussia. I say this upon supposition, that Congress can devise means of defraying the expense, which to be sure amounts to a large sum.

I have heard that Mr Searle has arrived at Brest, but am not informed of his destination, nor whether he has despatches for me. I am anxious to learn from Congress what their intentions may be respecting me, I have as yet received no authority to draw upon any fund whatsoever for my subsistence, nor to borrow money for that or any other purpose. I see no prospect of my commission being of any utility. Although many persons here think that peace will be made in the course of the ensuing winter or spring, yet I must confess I am of a different opinion. The idea, that France will dictate the conditions of peace, if it is made now, cannot be borne by Englishmen as yet, they are not yet sufficiently humbled, although probably every year will add some fresh humiliation to the demands upon their country. The English privateers have taken some Russian vessels loaded with hemp and iron, which must bring the question to a legal decision. The Admiralty will probably discharge them, and the Ministry will give up the point of free s.h.i.+ps making free goods, provided the Dutch agree with the Northern Powers, for they will not venture upon a war with all the world at once. Besides the military force, which they could not stand against, they would not be able to obtain any stores for their navy.

But the great question now is, whether the Dutch will agree. Their deputies are instructed to insist upon a warranty of their East and West India dominions. Whether the Northern Powers will agree to this condition, is a question. The States-General, however, are sitting, and will wait for despatches from Petersburg, and will probably be much governed by events. What events have happened in the West Indies and North America we shall soon learn.

Digby has sailed with a part of Geary's late fleet, whether for another expedition to Gibraltar, or whether for the West Indies or North America, is unknown. The success of these operations will probably influence much the deliberations both at Petersburg and the Hague. This time only can discover. It is said, however, that M. Le Texier will be exempted by the States-General from the payment of duties upon his masts, hemp, iron, and other naval stores that he is sending over land, to the French Marine. The capture of fiftyfive s.h.i.+ps at once, so much wealth, so many seamen and soldiers, and such quant.i.ties of stores, is a severe stroke to the English, and cannot but have the most excellent effects for us, both in the West Indies and North America. The right vein is now opened, and I hope that the Courts of France and Spain will now be in earnest in convoying their own commerce and cruising for that of their enemies. This is a short, easy, and infallible method of humbling the English, preventing the effusion of an ocean of blood, and bringing the war to a conclusion.

In this policy, I hope our countrymen will join, with the utmost alacrity. Privateering is as well understood by them as any people whatsoever; and it is by cutting off supplies, not by attacks, sieges, or a.s.saults, that I expect deliverance from enemies. And I should be wanting in my duty, if I did not warn them against any relaxation of their exertions by sea or land, from a fond expectation of peace. They will deceive themselves if they depend upon it. Never, never will the English make peace while they have an army in North America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, September 24th, 1780.

Sir,

Since the receipt of the despatches from Congress, brought by Mr Searle, I have been uninterruptedly employed in attempting to carry into execution their designs.

The first inquiry which arose in my own mind was, whether it was prudent to make any communication of my business to the States-General or to the Prince. Considering that my errand was simply an affair of credit, and that I had no political authority whatsoever, I thought, and upon consulting gentlemen of the most knowledge, best judgment, and most undoubted inclination for a solid and lasting connexion between the two Republics, I found them of the same opinion, that it was best to keep my designs secret as long as I could.

I then inquired whether it would be proper to communicate anything to the Regency of Amsterdam, or any branch of government whatsoever; and I was advised against it, and to proceed to endeavor to effect a loan upon the simple foundation of private credit. I have accordingly made all the inquiries possible, for the best and most unexceptionable House. Tomorrow I expect an answer to some propositions which I made yesterday.

This business must all be settled with so much secrecy and caution, and I am under so many difficulties, not understanding the Dutch language, and the gentlemen I have to do with not being much more expert in French than I am myself, and not understanding English at all, that the business goes on slower than I could wish. Commodore Gillon, by his knowledge of Dutch and general acquaintance here, has been as useful to me as he has been friendly.

I never saw the national benefit of a fine language generally read and spoken in so strong a light as since I have been here. The Dutch language is understood by n.o.body but themselves, the consequence of which has been, that this nation is not known. With as profound learning and ingenuity as any people in Europe, they have been overlooked, because they were situated among others more numerous and powerful than they. I hope that Congress will take warning by their example, and do everything in their power to make the language they speak, respectable throughout the world. Separated as we are from the Kingdom of Great Britain, we have not made war upon the English language any more than against the old English character. An academy inst.i.tuted by the authority of Congress for correcting, improving, and fixing the English language, would strike Great Britain with envy, and all the rest of the world with admiration. The labors of such a society would unite all America in the same language, for thirty millions of Americans to speak to all the nations of the earth by the middle of the nineteenth century.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, September 25th, 1780.

Sir,