The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume VII Part 2

We are now happily arrived, through many tremendous tempests, at that period. Great Britain respects us as sovereign States, and respects all our political engagements with foreign nations, and as long as she continues in this temper of wisdom, it is our duty to respect her. We have accordingly made a treaty with her and mutually sworn to be friends. Through the whole period of our warfare and negotiations, I confess I have never lost sight of the principles and the system, with which I set out, which appeared to me to be the sentiments of Congress with great unanimity, and I have no reason to believe that any change of opinion has taken place; if there has not, every one will agree with me, that no measure we can pursue will have such a tendency to preserve the government and people of England in the right system for their own and our interest, and the interest of our allies too, well understood, as sending a Minister to reside at the Court of London.

In the next place, the Court of London is the best station to collect intelligence from every part, and by means of the freedom of the press to communicate information for the benefit of our country, to every part of the world. In time of peace, there is so frequent travelling between Paris, London, and the Hague, that the correspondence of our Ministers at those Courts may be carried on by private hands, without hazarding anything from the infidelity of the posts, and Congress may reasonably expect advantages from this circ.u.mstance.

In the third place, a treaty of commerce with Great Britain is an affair of great importance to both countries. Upon this occasion I hope I shall be excused if I venture to advise, that Congress should instruct their Minister not to conclude such a treaty, without sending the project to them for their observations and fresh instructions, and I think it would not be improper, on this occasion, to imitate the Dutch method, and take the project, _ad referendum_, and transmit it to the Legislatures of all the States for their remarks, before Congress finally resolve. Their Minister may be authorised and instructed, in the mean time, to enter into a temporary convention for regulating the present trade, for a limited number of months or years, or until the treaty of commerce shall be completed.

In the fourth place, it is our part to be the first to send a Minister to Great Britain, which is the older, and as yet the superior State.

It becomes us to send a Minister first, and I doubt not the King of Great Britain will very soon return the compliment. Whereas if we do not begin, I believe there will be many delicacies at St James', about being the first to send. I confess I wish a British Minister at Philadelphia, and think we should derive many benefits from his residence there. While we have any foreign Ministers among us, I wish to have them from all the great powers with whom we are much connected. The _Corps Diplomatique_ at every Court is, or ought to be, a system representing at least that part of the system of Europe, with which that Court is most conversant.

In the same manner, or at least from similar reasons, as long as we have any one Minister abroad at any European Court, I think we ought to have one at every one to which we are most essentially related, whether in commerce or policy, and therefore while we have any Minister at Versailles, the Hague, or London, I think it clear we ought to have one at each, though I confess I have sometimes thought, that after a very few years, it will be the best thing we can do to recall every Minister from Europe, and send emba.s.sies only on special occasions.

If, however, any members of Congress should have any delicacies, lest an American Minister should not be received with a dignity becoming his rank and character at London, they may send a commission to make a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, to their Minister at Madrid, or Versailles, or the Hague, or St Petersburg, and instruct him to carry on the negotiation from the Court where he may be, until he shall be invited to London, or a letter of credence may be sent to one of these, with instructions to go to London, as soon as the King shall appoint a Minister to go to Philadelphia.

After all, however, my opinion is, that none of these manoeuvres are necessary, but that the best way will be to send a Minister directly to St James', with a letter of credence to the King, as a Minister Plenipotentiary, and a commission to treat of a treaty of commerce, but with instructions not to come to any irrevocable conclusion, until Congress and all the States have an opportunity to consider of the project, and suggest their amendments.

There is one more argument in favor of sending a Minister forthwith; it is this, while this mission lies open, it will be a source of jealousy among present Ministers, and such as are or may be candidates to be foreign Ministers, a source of intrigue and faction among their partisans and adherents, and a source of animosity and division among the people of the States. For this reason, it is a pity, that the first choice had not been such as Congress could have continued to approve, and the first measure such as Congress could have constantly persevered in. If this had been the case, the door of faction would have been kept shut. As this, however, was once my department, by the voice of eleven States, in twelve present, and as I will be answerable at any hazard, it will never be the department of any one by a greater majority, there seems to be a propriety in my giving my advice concerning it, on taking leave of it, if such is the will of Congress, as I have before done in this letter, according to the best of my judgment. And if it should not be thought too presumptuous, I would beg leave to add, what is my idea of the qualifications necessary for an American foreign Minister in general, and particularly and above all to the Court of St James'.

In the first place, he should have had an education in cla.s.sical learning, and in the knowledge of general history, ancient and modern, and particularly the history of France, England, Holland, and America.

He should be well versed in the principles of ethics, of the law of nature and nations, of legislation and government, of the civil Roman law, of the laws of England, and the United States, of the public law of Europe, and in the letters, memoirs, and histories of those great men, who have heretofore shone in the diplomatic order, and conducted the affairs of nations, and the world. He should be of an age to possess a maturity of judgment, arising from experience in business.

He should be active, attentive, and industrious, and above all, he should possess an upright heart, and an independent spirit, and should be one, who decidedly makes the interest of his country, not the policy of any other nation, nor his own private ambition or interest, or those of his family, friends, and connexions, the rule of his conduct.

We hear so much said about a genteel address, and a facility in speaking the French language, that one would think a dancing master and a French master the only tutors necessary to educate a statesman.

Be it remembered, the present revolution, neither in America nor Europe, has been accomplished by elegant bows, nor by fluency in French, nor will any great thing ever be effected by such accomplishments alone. A man must have something in his head to say, before he can speak to effect, how ready soever he may be at utterance. And if the knowledge is in his head, and the virtue in his heart, he will never fail to find a way of communicating his sentiments to good purpose. He will always have excellent translators ready, if he wants them, to turn his thoughts into any language he desires.

As to what is called a fine address, it is seldom attended to after a first or second conversation, and even in these, it is regarded no more by men of sense of any country, than another thing, which I heard disputed with great vivacity among the officers of the French frigate, the Sensible. The question was, what were the several departments of an Amba.s.sador and a Secretary of Legation. After a long and shrewd discussion, it was decided by a majority of votes, "that the Secretary's part was to do the business, and that of an Amba.s.sador to keep a mistress." This decision produced a laugh among the company, and no ideas of the kind will ever produce anything else, among men of understanding.

It is very true, that it is possible, that a case may happen, that a man may serve his country by a bribe well placed, or an intrigue of pleasure with a woman. But it is equally true, that a man's country will be sold and betrayed a thousand times by this infamous commerce, where it will be once served. It is very certain, that we shall never be a match for European statesmen in such accomplishments for negotiation, any more than, I must and will add, they will equal us in any solid abilities, virtues, and application to business, if we choose wisely among the excellent characters, with which our country abounds.

Among the Ministers, who have already crossed the Atlantic to Europe, there have been none exceeding Mr Jay and Mr Dana, in all the qualifications I have presumed to enumerate, and I must say, that if I had the honor to give my vote in Congress, for a Minister at the Court of Great Britain, provided that injustice must be finally done to him, who was the first object of his country's choice, such have been the activity, intelligence, address, and fort.i.tude of Mr Jay, as well as his sufferings in his voyage, journeys, and past services, that I should think of no other object of my choice than that gentleman. If Congress should neglect all their old Ministers, and send a fresh one from America, they cannot be at a loss, for there are in that country great numbers of men well qualified for the service. These are most certainly better known by name to Congress than to me, and, therefore, I shall venture no further, but conclude, by wis.h.i.+ng this arduous business well settled, and by a.s.surances to Congress, and to you, Sir, of my warmest attachment and respect.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, February 13th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

On my return, the night before last, from a journey to the State of New York, I found your favors of the 6th, the 7th, the 17th, the 19th, and the 23d of September. They contain important and useful information; and that particularly of the 6th is replete with matter, which deserves an attention, that I lament not having it in my power to give it at this moment, as the express, by which this goes to Baltimore, is on the wing.

I congratulate you most sincerely upon having surmounted all the obstacles, that opposed themselves to the completion of our important connexion with the United States [of Holland]. It has, I think, given the last blow to the pride of Britain. Its power, so far as it could endanger us, was past recovery before, except as it derived force from its pride, which, like the last struggles of a dying man, gave an appearance of vigor to the body, which it was about to destroy.

This covers a ratification of the treaty. The first copy sent by Mr Jefferson has not been signed by me, owing to my absence. That gentleman has not yet sailed from Baltimore, having been delayed by a number of the enemy's cruisers, which infest the Bay.

We this day received the speech of his Britannic Majesty. It breathes so much the language of peace, that I begin to think it will be unnecessary to give Mr Jefferson the trouble of going over at all. The delays he has met with leave you longer without intelligence from hence, than I would ever wish you to be, though no important event has taken place, except the evacuation of Charleston. Our distress for want of money has rather increased, than diminished. This object will demand your attention, full as much if the war should be terminated, as if it should continue. The army, and the other public creditors, begin to grow very uneasy, and our present exhausted situation will not admit of internal loans, or such taxes as will suffice to give them relief.

I have sent you three different sets of cyphers, not thinking it advisable to send duplicates. Be pleased to let me know whether any and which have arrived safe.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Paris, March 2d, 1783.

Sir,

I am very much of your opinion, that all places in general, in foreign countries, under the United States, should be filled with Americans, but am sometimes requested to transmit to Congress applications and recommendations in so pressing a manner, and by persons of distinction, that it would be scarcely civil to refuse.

Such an instance is the following, and if Congress should depart from the general rule, I suppose, that no person at Leghorn has so good pretensions.

The application to me is this,--"Messrs Touissaint, Doutremont & Co., merchants of great credit at Leghorn, who obtained, fortyfive years ago, letters of n.o.bility from the Court of France, pray the gentlemen, the deputies of the United States of America, to grant them the place of Consul, or of Agent of their commerce at Leghorn."

At least, if Congress, or their Ministers, have occasion for a correspondent in that city, they will not be at a loss.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, April 14th, 1783.

Sir,

I received two days ago your favors of the 22d and 23d of January, with the declarations for the cessation of hostilities, on which a doubt of much importance to the people of this country is started, to wit, to know at what period hostilities ceased on this coast, that is, what is meant by "as far as the Canaries." If it means in the same _lat.i.tude_, hostilities ceased here the 3d of March, and a great number of vessels must be restored. If it does not mean a lat.i.tudinal line, what does it mean, which carries any certainty with it? The terms of the provisional treaty also occasion much debate. A variety of questions have been started, but these I shall speak of in my letter to you in conjunction with your colleagues, that you may, if opportunity should offer before the Definitive Treaty is concluded, find some means to rid them of their ambiguity.

It would give me pain to find, that the Dutch do not attain their objects in the close of the war, and still more to impute their misfortunes to any desertion of their interests by France, since I confess freely to you, that her conduct, as far as I have observed it, has appeared to me in the highest degree generous and disinterested.

The extreme langour of the Dutch, their divisions, and the less than nothing that they have done for themselves, ent.i.tle them to little.

Without the uncommon exertions of France, they would not have had a single settlement left, either in the East or West Indies. So that they lay absolutely at her mercy, and, therefore, I was pleased to find their instructions to their Ministers so expressed as to leave no room to fear, that they would obstruct the peace, when they contributed so little to the prosecution of the war. But I rather pitied, than blamed their weakness; they were torn by factions, and clogged by an executive, which strove to find reasons for having no execution.

Congress, the day before yesterday, agreed to ratify the Provisional Articles as such, and to release their prisoners, in which the British took the lead. The tories have little reliance upon the effect of the recommendations of Congress; great numbers of them have sailed, and are daily sailing for Nova Scotia.

With respect to your salary, I must pray you to settle with Dr Franklin the amount of bills drawn in your favor. You will, with those that go by this conveyance, receive the amount of three quarters'

salary, at two thousand seven hundred and seventyseven dollars and sixtyeight ninetieths per quarter, which were laid out in bills at six s.h.i.+llings three pence, this money, for five livres, which was a very advantageous exchange for you. This, however, Congress have directed, by the enclosed resolution, to be altered, and your salaries to be paid in bills at the rate of five livres, five sous per dollar. As this resolution retrospects you will have, with the bills transmitted to you, livres more than is due for three quarters' salary. This will be deducted from the last quarter, for which I will get a warrant, and leave it with the Treasury here for you or your order. By settling this matter with Dr Franklin, and redrawing upon your banker in Holland, you will leave my accounts unembarra.s.sed, which is of consequence to me, as I have determined to quit the place I now hold, in the course of a few weeks, and enjoy in retirement the pleasures of peace. I have charged no commissions on these money transactions, nor do I propose to charge any.

Your account of contingent expenses is before a committee. Should Congress agree to accept your resignation, (which I am sorry to see you offer, since the connexions you have formed, and the experience you have acquired, might render you particularly serviceable in Holland) it will be best that you settle it with them yourself on your arrival. The want of permanent funds, and the opposition which some States have given to every attempt to establish them, the demands of the public creditors, and particularly of the army, have excited much uneasiness here. Satisfactory measures will, I hope, be adopted to calm it, and do ample justice. The army, whose proceedings I transmit, have done themselves honor by their conduct on this occasion. Too much praise could not be given to the commander-in-chief, for the share he had in the transaction, if he was not above all praise.

I have the honor to be, &c.