The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume VII Part 26

The naval force of Spain at Lima will not have it in their power to hinder them, for the same south wind, which will push the Americans forward, will prevent the fleets of Spain going to meet them. From the Bay of Panama they will return by the great wind of the tropics, which never fails blowing from east to west, either to their settlements in the South Seas, or to sell their prizes in the seas of China or India, from whence they will perhaps again return with new vessels, newly manned, to repeat their ravages. Their return will either be by New Zealand in coming from the Indies, or by the lat.i.tude of forty north in coming from China. In this last case they will fall on Mexico, and profiting of the land winds which always blow there from north to the Bay of Panama, they will ravage Mexico as before they ravaged Chili and Peru. From the Bay of Panama they will return by the great tropic wind, either to their own homes in the South Seas, or to the seas of Asia to renew a war, insulting, tormenting, and without remedy.

"On the other hand, when at war with England, France, Portugal, or Holland, they will direct their course from their establishments in the South Seas, and fall upon the possessions of those powers in the East Indies. They will have two great routes to go and return by; the one to the west of New Zealand, the other by the Islands between China and New Holland, and in this they will have as many pa.s.sages as there are Islands. Thence follows the impossibility of waylaying their vessels, either going or on their return.

These consequences may all be prevented by the treaty proposed by Lord Rochford, in which it might be stipulated that these Islands shall forever belong to their present inhabitants and their posterity, for certainly the nation who shall first possess herself of them will command the commerce of the South Seas and those of Asia.

"Europe, wis.h.i.+ng for the independence of America, resembles a man asleep on ice, and not sensible that ice thaws, and therefore to give the greater weight to the confederation, Holland and Denmark, who have interests in both the new worlds, might be invited to become contracting parties to those articles of treaty, which regard the mutual guarantee.

"The reason of the frequent breach of treaties is, that they are made without provision for the future reciprocal interests of the contracting nations. The only ones that I know of, that pay attention to this object, are the treaties between Portugal and England; by which Portugal gains a preference for the sale of her wines in England, and England for the sale of her cloths in Portugal. The consequence is, that there never has, and in appearance never will be, a war between Portugal and England. It would not be difficult, either in the general confederation, or by separate treaties of commerce between England on the one part, and the three kingdoms of Spain, Portugal, and France respectively on the other, to advance infinitely the commercial interests of all three, by their connexions with England. Spain having wines, oil, fruits, salt, fine wools, and some other articles, which England has not, and England having iron, with coal in the same fields for the manufacturing of it, and by the moistness of her climate long wool for cloths of a low price, also tin, fish, with some other articles, which Spain has not, it follows, that when England is rich she will buy more articles of Spain, and when Spain is rich she will buy more articles of England, and consequently, that one cannot enrich herself without enriching the other. The same reasoning applies to the natural connexions between England and Portugal. There is even a natural connexion between England and France in many articles of commerce, if the jealousy of fools, and misinformed persons did not perpetually interrupt it. I have heard from certain authority, that had the Abbe Terray continued in the Ministry of France, there would have been a tariff between France and England for the entry, on the most favorable conditions, of the wines and articles of mode of the one nation, and the manufactures of iron and wheat of the other, and England might have procured the consent of Portugal for the diminution of her commerce of wines with England by other indemnifications. England in favor of France, Spain, and Portugal, might, without injury to herself even permit the exportation of those wools, paying a duty at the exportation thereof. The exportation of the superfluous wool, would be an advantage to the proprietors of lands in England, to the King in furnis.h.i.+ng him a new revenue, and to those three nations, in giving them an article necessary for their manufactures.

"Unfortunately for humanity, the Abbe Terray is no more; but happily for humanity, Dr Franklin, the Comptroller-General of France, M. Compomanes, the Duke of Braganza, and Lord North are all still living, and the King of Spain, with the Count de Florida Blanca, may put all these five in motion.

"For my part I have no authority from the English Ministers to present this project, but living in friends.h.i.+p with the greater part of them, and on an intimate footing with the others, I am certain that some of the sentiments in this memorial correspond with their manner of thinking on the subject. I confess I received a letter in Portugal, fourteen days before my departure for Spain, from Lord Rochford, who is not at present in the Ministry, but who is so taken up with a project that does him so much honor, that he has advised me to feel the pulses on the possibility of making it succeed, and that I have a letter on the same subject from the Duke of Braganza, who entered into the views of my Lord Rochford not as a politician, but as a friend to humanity.

"Encouraged by such men, and still more by the dictates of my own heart, I wrote to one of the English Ministers, that if I did not find minds too much heated, and there was no danger of giving offence, I intended to do justice to the project of my Lord Rochford, in Spain and in France, and begged him to send me an answer to Paris whether the Ministry of England approved or disapproved my intentions.

"I have only to add, that my views being to unite, and not to separate nations, I have no objection that the Ministers of France and Dr Franklin should each have a copy of this memorial."

The Count spoke of Sir John and his anecdote very properly, and concluded with a.s.surances of the King's firmness.

The manner in which Sir John speaks of Dr Franklin, however just, I impute to a design of injuring the confidence reposed in him by his const.i.tuents.

The house of Gardoqui at Bilboa are rich, in favor with the Ministry, and friends to America. The Navy Board have sent to them for goods for the use of the navy, and have remitted to them only an inconsiderable part of the sum to which they will amount, desiring the residue on credit, and promising speedy payment. One of the House now here spoke to me on the subject; I advised him to complete the orders. It is of the utmost consequence that the Navy Board be punctual in their remittances. American credit is not high, and ought to be higher. I am the more anxious on this subject, as that House is exceedingly well disposed, and a disappointment would not only be injurious to them, but much more so to us. Perhaps it would be a good rule if the United States were to contract debts only with Governments, and never with individuals abroad.

I received a letter last week from a Captain Hawkins at Cadiz, informing me that the Americans, who had escaped from captivity and were collected there, were fitting out a vessel for America, which they were arming, and wished to be enabled to act offensively and defensively in their way home, by having a proper commission from me for that purpose. As I had neither blank commissions nor authority to grant them, I referred him to Dr Franklin.

Congress will be pleased to consider how far it may be proper to remove these obstacles, by sending me both. This leads me again to remind your Excellency of several letters I wrote you from Cadiz, respecting American seamen coming to Spain from captivity at Gibraltar and other places. As copies of these letters have been sent by different vessels, I presume some of them have reached you. It certainly is necessary that provision be made for these people, and in a regular established manner. I am very desirous of instructions on this subject.

The credit given me by Congress on Dr Franklin is expended, and I am without other means of obtaining supplies than by private credit, which I am at a loss to satisfy. To apply to, and be maintained by the Court, is, in my opinion, too humiliating to be for the public good; and as yet I have neither received nor heard of remittances from America. It would give me pleasure to know in what manner Congress mean I should be supplied, and whether any measures have been taken for that purpose.

I am much embarra.s.sed for the means of conveying and receiving intelligence. Being at a great distance from the sea, all my letters to and from thence here must either be conveyed by private couriers or the public post. All my letters by the latter, whether in France or Spain, are opened. By that conveyance, therefore, it would not always be proper to write either to Congress, to Dr Franklin, Mr Adams, or others, with that freedom which would often be useful, and sometimes necessary. The salary allowed me, so far from admitting the expense of private couriers, is inadequate for the common purposes for which it was given. This is a delicate subject, and I wish it was not my duty to say anything respecting it. This place is the dearest in Europe.

The Court is never stationary, pa.s.sing part of the year in no less than five different places, viz. Madrid, Pardo, Aranjues, St Ildefonso, and the Escurial; hence considerable expenses arise. I forbear enumerating particulars, my design being only to mention this matter to Congress, not to press it upon them. I shall always live agreeably to my circ.u.mstances; and if, from their being too narrow, inconveniences result to the public, they ought to be informed of it.

I hope what I have said will be viewed in this light only; so far as I am personally interested, I am content.

Mr Harrison, a gentleman of Maryland, now here, will be the bearer of this letter to Cadiz. I therefore embrace this good and unusual opportunity of being so minute and explicit in it.

The family of Galvez is numerous and of weight. The one on the Mississippi has written favorably of the Americans to his brothers here, three of whom are in office. It would be well to cultivate this disposition whenever opportunities of doing it offer.

The resolution providing for Spanish prisoners at New York was well judged.

Dr Franklin is more advantageously circ.u.mstanced than I am to gain and transmit to Congress intelligence of the disposition of Holland and of the Northern Powers.

From the conduct of their ministers here, I have no reason to predict much to our advantage. They are cold, and I have received nothing more than common civility from any of them, except the Ministers of Holland and Sweden, and indeed not much more from them. Perhaps they have been rendered unusually cautious by an extract of a letter from Madrid in the Leyden paper, mentioning the precious reception Mr Carmichael met with here, and the attentions he received from the foreign Ministers.

You have probably seen it in the _Courier de l'Europe_.

From what I hear of the character of the Empress of Russia, I cannot but think that a prudent agent there would be very useful. They say she is sensible, proud, and ambitious. Hence I infer that such a mark of attention would be grateful, and consequently useful.

I should have given your Excellency seasonable intelligence of the Spanish fleet and armament, which lately sailed from Cadiz, as I believe to the Havana, and whose objects I suspect to be the Floridas or Jamaica, or probably both, but I omitted writing on that subject previous to the departure of the fleet, from a persuasion that any letters by the post containing such advices would not be permitted to proceed, and therefore I thought it unnecessary; nor will I now swell the pages of this letter, already very voluminous, by entering into particulars relative to it, especially as that armament will probably have begun its operations before this letter will come to your Excellency's hands.

The reports of dissensions in Congress, which prevailed here prior to my arrival, and the causes to which they were ascribed, had filled this Court with apprehensions; and it gives me pleasure to a.s.sure you, that the present appearance of union in Congress is attended here with very happy effects.

The people in this country are in almost total darkness about us.

Scarce any American publications have reached them, nor are they informed of the most recent and important events in that country. The affairs of Stony Point, Paulus Hook, &c. &c. have never been heard of here, except perhaps by the great officers of state, and they could scarcely believe that the Roman Catholic religion was even tolerated there.

There are violent prejudices among them against us. Many of them have even serious doubts of our being civilized, and mention a strange story of a s.h.i.+p driven into Virginia by distress, about thirty years ago, that was plundered by the inhabitants, and some of the crew killed in a manner and under circ.u.mstances which, if true, certainly indicate barbarity. The King and Ministry are warm, yet I have reason to believe that the bulk of the nation is cold towards us; they appear to me to like the English, hate the French, and to have prejudices against us.

I mention these things to show in a strong light the necessity of punctuality in sending me from time to time all American intelligence of importance, and observing such conduct towards Spaniards in general, as may tend to impress them with more favorable sentiments of us. There was a little uneasiness among the mercantile people at Cadiz respecting the capture of some Spanish vessels by privateers. I hope the former have had ample justice done them; it certainly is of great importance that they should have reason to be satisfied.

Your Excellency may observe that I have written very particularly.

Both this Court and that of France have very particular information respecting the proceedings of Congress.

Want of prudence, rather than virtue, I believe to be the cause. I nevertheless think it my duty to give Congress from time to time full information of their affairs here, and shall not be restrained by the apprehension of any consequences, that may result from want of secrecy there. I make it a rule to write on these subjects only to Congress, and to them very particularly.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

_P. S._ Congress may think it extraordinary, that Mr Carmichael's handwriting does not appear in this letter. He is, with my approbation, now at Aranjues, and I must do him the justice to say, that he is always ready and willing to do his duty as Secretary.

J. J.

FOOTNOTES:

[18] See above, dated January 26th, p. 194.

[19] See this letter in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II p. 276.

[20] See above, p. 195.

[21] See above, p. 199.

[22] See p. 203.

[23] See p. 210.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Madrid, May 27th, 1780.

Gentlemen,

On the 27th of last month I had the pleasure of receiving your favor of the 11th of December, 1779, with copies of the resolutions of Congress, for drawing on Mr Laurens and myself for one hundred thousand pounds sterling each.

I had the honor of writing to Congress yesterday very fully respecting their affairs in this kingdom, and particularly on the subject of those resolutions.

I have not yet had the pleasure of hearing of Mr Lauren's arrival, about which I am anxious. Be pleased to a.s.sure Congress, that Mr Laurens shall receive from me every mark of attention, and all the aid in my power to afford. The latter I fear will not be great.

I have the honor to be, &c.