The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume X Part 1

The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution.

Volume X.

by Various.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

GEN. LAFAYETTE;

ON THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE UNITED STATES.

Although the services of GENERAL LAFAYETTE to the United States were rendered chiefly in the military line, yet he contributed very essentially by his efforts, and the weight of his personal character, to promote the interests of our foreign relations. When he left the United States at the close of the year 1781, Congress instructed the American Ministers abroad to consult him on the public affairs of the United States. His correspondence with Congress, now to be published, will show how effectually he executed his trust in this respect, and how deeply and constantly he watched over the interests of his adopted country, long after his return to Europe. These letters are a testimony not more of his patriotism, love of liberty, the warmth of his affections, and the fulness of his grat.i.tude, than of his close observation, correct opinions, and enlarged views on political affairs.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE.

RESOLVE OF CONGRESS RESPECTING GENERAL LAFAYETTE.

In Congress, November 23d, 1781.

On the report of a Committee, consisting of Mr Carroll, Mr Madison, and Mr Cornell, to whom was referred a letter of the 22d, from Major-General the Marquis de Lafayette,

_Resolved_, That Major-General the Marquis de Lafayette, have permission to go to France; and that he return at such time as shall be most convenient to him.

That he be informed, that on a review of his conduct throughout the past campaign, and particularly during the period in which he had the chief command in Virginia, the many new proofs, which present themselves of his zealous attachment to the cause he has espoused, and of his judgment, vigilance, gallantry, and address in its defence, have greatly added to the high opinion entertained by Congress of his merits and military talents.

That he make known to the officers and troops whom he commanded during that period, that the brave and enterprising services with which they seconded his zeal and efforts, and which enabled him to defeat the attempts of an enemy far superior in numbers, have been beheld by Congress with particular satisfaction and approbation.

That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs acquaint the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States, that it is the desire of Congress that they should confer with the Marquis de Lafayette, and avail themselves of his information relative to the situation of public affairs in the United States.

That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs further acquaint the Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, that he will conform to the intention of Congress by consulting with, and employing the a.s.sistance of the Marquis de Lafayette, in accelerating the supplies, which may be afforded by his Most Christian Majesty for the use of the United States.

That the Superintendent of Finance, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and the Board of War, make such communication to the Marquis de Lafayette, touching the affairs of their respective departments, as will best enable him to fulfil the purpose of the two resolutions immediately preceding.

That the Superintendent of Finance take order for discharging the engagement entered into by the Marquis de Lafayette with the merchants of Baltimore referred to in the act of the 24th of May last.

That the Superintendent of Finance furnish the Marquis de Lafayette with a proper conveyance to France.

That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs report a letter to his Most Christian Majesty, to be sent by the Marquis de Lafayette.[1]

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Extract of a letter from Congress to the King of France, dated November 29th, 1781.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Antony, near Paris, March 30th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

I have been honored with your letter by the Hermione, and have made the best use I could of the intelligence you were pleased to communicate. The sailing of the Alliance was unexpected, and I could not improve that opportunity. This letter will be carried by a vessel that is immediately despatched. I shall soon have an opportunity to write by a frigate. Dr Franklin, whom I have acquainted with the departure of this vessel, has no doubt communicated very important intelligence. Mahon has been taken rather sooner than was expected; the siege of Gibraltar is going on, and some do not consider it impossible that it should fall into the hands of the Spaniards. The taking of St Kitts was felt in England; the more so, as Sir Samuel Hood had given great expectations of preserving the Island.

"Major-General the Marquis de Lafayette, has in this campaign so greatly added to the reputation he had before acquired, that we are desirous to obtain for him, on our behalf even, notice, in addition to that favorable reception, which his merits cannot fail to meet with from a generous and enlightened Sovereign; and, in that view, we have directed our Minister Plenipotentiary to present the Marquis to your Majesty."

There is a great deal of confusion in England, which their late resolutions clearly prove; many think the loss of the majority is a _finesse_ of Lord North; but from later advices it appears there will be a change of Ministers. The opposition members do not agree together, and none of them are true friends to America; none of them are wis.h.i.+ng for independence; they want to make the best bargain they can, either with France, at the expense of America, or by satisfying America at the cheapest rate. By Mr Adams's letters I find Holland is about acknowledging American independence, as far as it will neither cost them blood nor money; but at this period I think it important to obtain such a political advantage.

I beg you will please to communicate the contents of my letter to Congress; as I do not enter into any particulars with the President.

Accept the a.s.surance of the high esteem and most affectionate sentiments with which I am, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

_P. S._ Since writing the above, we have just got certain intelligence that Lord North has left his place. It is generally believed he will be replaced by Lord Rockingham.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

St Germain, June 25th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

It is needless for me to enter into such details as will of course be communicated to Congress by the Minister. Dr Franklin will doubtless be very particular. But as Congress have been pleased to order that I should give my opinion, I now have the honor to tell you what I think upon the several transactions that have lately taken place.

Before the change of Ministry, the old Administration had sent people to feel the pulse of the French Court and of the American Ministers.

They had reasons to be convinced that neither of the two could be deceived into separate arrangements, that would break the union and make both their enemies weaker. In the meanwhile, a cabal was going on against the old Ministry. New appointments took place, and it is not known how far Lord North would have gone towards a general negotiation.

It had ever been the plan of the opposition to become masters of the Cabinet. But while every one of them united against the Ministry, they committed this strange blunder, never to think what would become of them after their views had been fulfilled. They even made Ministers, and upon the same day they did not know how to divide the prey; upon the second they perceived that they had different interests and different principles to support; upon the third they were intriguing against each other. And now the British Ministry are so much divided, that nothing but their disputes can account for their indecision in public affairs.

The Marquis of Rockingham has nothing of a Minister, but the parade of levees, and a busy appearance. He is led by Mr Burke. He is also upon the best terms with Charles Fox. The principles of the latter everybody knows. That party it appears is on one side of the Administration.

The Duke of Grafton and Lord Camden think it their interest to support Lord Shelburne, whom, however, they inwardly dislike. The Earl of Shelburne seems to have by far the greater share in the King's confidence. He is intriguing, and, upon a pretence to follow Lord Chatham's opinions, he makes himself agreeable to the King by opposing American independence. He is, they say, a faithless man, wis.h.i.+ng for a continuation of the war, by which he hopes to raise his own importance; and, should the Rockingham party fall, should Lord Shelburne be found to divide power with another party, he is not far, it is said, from uniting with Lord North and many others in the old Administration.

The King stands alone, hating every one of his Ministers, grieving at every measure that combats his dispositions, and wis.h.i.+ng for the moment when the present Ministry, having lost their popularity, will give way to those whom he has been obliged to abandon for a time.

Such is the position in which they stand, and I am going to relate the measures they have taken towards negotiation.

It appears Lord Shelburne, on the one hand, and Charles Fox on the other, went upon the plan which Lord North had adopted, to make some private advances, but they neither communicated their measures to each other, nor said at first anything of it in the Cabinet. Count de Vergennes said that France could never think to enter into a treaty, but in concurrence with her allies, and upon being told that America herself did not so much insist upon asking for independence, he answered, "people need not ask for what they have got." Mr Adams in Holland, and Dr Franklin in Paris, made such answers as were consistent with the dignity of the United States. But they as well as Count de Vergennes, expressed a sincere desire for peace, upon liberal and generous terms.

From the very beginning Mr Adams has been persuaded, that the British Ministry were not sincere--that the greater part of them were equally against America as any in the old Administration, and that all those negotiations were not much to be depended upon. His judgment of this affair has been confirmed by the events; though at present the negotiation has put on a better outward appearance.