The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume X Part 6

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, February 11th, 1786.

Dear Sir,

I have not for a long time had the honor to address you, either in public or private letters. This has been owing to a tour I made through several parts of Europe, and to a derangement in the packets, which, to my great concern, I found to have taken place during my absence.

In the course of a journey to Prussia, Silesia, the Austrian dominions, and back again to Berlin, I could not but have many opportunities to improve myself by the inspection of famous fields of battle, the conversation of the greatest Generals, and the sight of excellent troops; those of Prussia particularly exceeding my expectations. I had occasions not less numerous to lament the folly of nations, who can bear a despotic government, and to pay a new tribute of respect and attachment to the const.i.tutional principles we had the happiness to establish. Wherever I went, America was of course a topic in the conversation. Her efforts during the contest are universally admired; and in the transactions, which have so gloriously taken place, there is a large field of enthusiasm for the soldier, of wonder and applause for the politician; and to the philosopher, and the philanthropist, they are a matter of unspeakable delight, and I could say of admiration. Those sentiments I had the pleasure to find generally diffused. But to my great sorrow, (and I will the more candidly tell it in this letter, as it can hurt none more than it hurts myself,) I did not find that every remark equally turned to the advantage of my pride, and of that satisfaction I feel in the admiration of the world for the United States.

In countries so far distant, under const.i.tutions so foreign to republican notions, the affairs of America cannot be thoroughly understood, and such inconveniences as we lament ourselves are greatly exaggerated by her enemies. It would require almost a volume to relate how many mistaken ideas I had the opportunity to set to rights. And it has been painful for me to hear, it is now disagreeable to mention, the bad effect which the want of federal union, and of effective arrangements for the finances and commerce of a general establishment of militia have had on the minds of European nations. It is foolishly thought by some, that democratical const.i.tutions will not, cannot, last, that the States will quarrel with each other, that a King, or at least a n.o.bility, are indispensable for the prosperity of a nation.

But I would not attend to those absurdities, as they are answered by the smallest particle of unprejudiced common sense, and will, I trust, be forever destroyed by the example of America. But it was impossible for me to feel so much unconcerned, when those points were insisted upon, for which I could not but acknowledge within myself there was some ground; although it was so unfairly broached upon by the enemies of the United States. It is an object with the European governments to check and discourage the spirit of emigration, which, I hope, will increase among the Germans, with a more perfect knowledge of the situation of America. And while I was enjoying the admiration and respect of those parts of the world for the character of the United States; while I was obliged to hear some remarks, which, although they were exaggerated, did not seem to me quite dest.i.tute of a foundation, I heartily addressed my prayers to heaven, that by her known wisdom, patriotism, and liberality of principles, as well as firmness of conduct, America may preserve the consequence she has so well acquired, and continue to command the admiration of the world.

What I now have the honor to write, is the result of conversations with the princ.i.p.al characters in the countries I have visited; and particularly the Austrian and Prussian Ministers, the Emperor, Duke of Brunswick, Prince Henry, a man equally great and virtuous, the Prince Royal, and the King of Prussia. With the last I have often dined in the company of the Duke of York, second son to his Britannic Majesty, when American affairs past and present were brought on the carpet, and sometimes in a manner not a little embarra.s.sing for an English Prince.

My stay at Vienna was short, but I had a very long conference with the Emperor, in which we spoke much of the American trade, and I found he had imbibed British prejudices. The next day Prince de Kaunitz introduced the same subject to me, and expressed some astonishment, that the United States did not make advances towards the Emperor. I answered, advances had been made formerly, and more than were necessary on the part of America, whom there was as much occasion to court, as for her to seek for alliances. But that my attachment to his Imperial Majesty made me wish he would address, on that business, the Ministers of Congress, now at Paris and London, through the medium of his Amba.s.sadors. I added, that the best measure to be taken immediately, was to open the Italian ports to American fish. But I do not think the United States will ever find a very extensive commercial benefit in her treaties with that Court.

In everything that concerns France, my respected friend Mr Jefferson will give you sufficient information. The affair of American commerce wears a better prospect than it has. .h.i.therto done; so far at least, that a committee has been appointed to hear what we have to say on the trade between this kingdom and the United States.

The King of Prussia is very unwell, and cannot live many months. His nephew is an honest, firm, military man. From the Emperor's temper a war could be feared. But our system is so pacific, and it will be so difficult for England to involve us in a quarrel without acting a part which she has no interest to do, that I do not think the tranquillity of Europe will he deranged. Holland is checking Stadtholderian influence, but no further. The King of Naples and his father are quarrelling on account of a Minister, leaning to the House of Bourbon, and devoted to other powers, whom the son wants to keep. I had lately an opportunity to know, that the last revolt in Peru has lost a hundred thousand lives; but from the same account I find that those people are far remote from the ideas which lead to a sensible revolution.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, October 28th, 1786.

Dear Sir,

Owing to several circ.u.mstances, and particularly to a journey I have made through some garrison towns, your favor of June the 16th has reached me very late. That there should remain the least doubt with M.

Gardoqui respecting the adoption of the English limits, is a matter of amazement to me. The original letter having been sent I herewith enclose a copy, with a few observations. I think its presentation to M. Gardoqui will the better convince him, as he knows Count de Florida Blanca's respect for his own word of honor. And may I be allowed to add, that the more this letter is known, the better it will impress the public with ideas favorable to the Spaniards, and the Spaniards, with a sense of engagements, which men of honor cannot trifle with.[3]

As to the navigation of the Mississippi, you know better than I what are the strong prejudices of that Court against it. But we both know equally well, that in a little time we must have the navigation one way or other, which I hope Spain may at last understand.

It has been said in some newspapers, that the Floridas should be given up to France. But nothing has come to our knowledge, which gives the least ground for an idea of that kind. As Mr Jefferson sends you a letter relative to commerce, which improves the condition of the treaty with England, whereby she has no claims on the favors enjoyed by the United States, although she is to be treated like the other most favored nations, and as M. Dumas is writing on Dutch affairs, I will only beg leave to inform you, that the appointment of the convention has had already a good effect in Europe, and that great benefit will be derived on this side of the water also, from the commercial and federal measures, which it is my happiness to hear are now under consideration.

Although there may be a diversity of opinions, whether a peace must be purchased at any rate from the Barbary Powers, or a war must be carried on against them until they come to proper terms, there can in no mind be any doubt about the advantages of a third measure, which is a confederacy of six or seven powers, each of them giving a small quota, and the reunion of which would ensure a constant and sufficient cruise against those pirates, and after they are brought to terms, would guard against the breaking of a peace which the powers would mutually guarranty to each other. Portugal, Tuscany, Naples, Venice, and Genoa, are now at war with those regencies. I would like at the same time to have the armament so managed as to use American flour, fish, and naval stores. This plan is not as yet very well digested in my head, but I beg leave to submit to Congress the propriety of impowering their Ministers to stipulate for such an arrangement.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

_P. S._ In case Congress have no particular orders for me, (in which case I should be most happy to wait on them, either as a soldier in their armies, or in any other manner) I may perhaps accept the invitation of the Empress of Russia, to be presented to her next spring in her new dominions of Crimea, which excite my curiosity.

Should anything turn out that may employ me as a servant of the United States, I hope they know my zeal.

FOOTNOTE:

[3] See these letters to and from Count de Florida Blanca, above, pp.

30, 32.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, February 7th, 1787.

Dear Sir,

This letter goes in the first packet from Havre, a change advantageous both to pa.s.sengers and correspondents, and through the hands of Colonel Franks, whose good conduct at Morocco has ent.i.tled him to a share of that respect, which has been deservedly paid to the American Emba.s.sy. Mr Barclay's refusal of the presents has been a matter of wonder to every African, and I dare say to some Europeans, whose accounts do full justice to him.

To Mr Jefferson's despatches I refer for useful intelligence. The affairs of Holland do not make a progress towards conciliation. It seems that the King of Prussia will not find himself the better for counteracting in many points, the line of conduct of his deceased uncle. A treaty of commerce is signed between France and Russia. The Empress has set out on her journey towards Crimea. She had permitted my waiting on her, but I am detained by the a.s.sembly of Notables, an event not very common, neither expected, which does honor to the King and his Ministry, and will, I trust, be productive of public good.

I have had the honor to send copies of my old correspondence with the Count de Florida Blanca. The enclosed one will supply any accident that may have befallen the others. We are told, that the unhappy disturbances in New England have subsided. To us they do not appear so dangerous as to Europeans; but sufficiently so to give us a great deal of concern. May all Americans know the blessings of their own const.i.tutions, and from comparison judge, that if they are to correct, it would be madness in them to destroy.

I hope the convention at Philadelphia will answer the essential and urgent purposes of the confederation, commerce, and the establishment of a uniform and republican militia. Each State has within itself the means fully sufficient to set right the opinions of mistaken citizens, and those means seem to me princ.i.p.ally founded on the good sense, knowledge, and patriotic liberality of the people. Every wrong measure of theirs would hurt, not only the consequence of the United States, but also the cause of liberty in all parts of the world.

With the most sincere regard and attachment, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, May 3d, 1787.

My Dear Sir,

Had I been sooner acquainted with Mr Forrest's departure, I would have given you more particular accounts of the latter part of our session, but have only time to enclose the speeches that were made by the heads of the several departments. Not that such etiquette speeches are in any way interesting on the other side of the Atlantic, but because you will in the same book find that of the Archbishop of Toulouse, wherein he gives the King's answer to the several demands of the Bureau. You will see, that if the madness and corruption of the late administration have laid us under a necessity to acknowledge that, after all other means would be exhausted, taxes must be employed to fill up the vacancy, yet we have gained not a little by the convocation of the a.s.sembly. A more equal repart.i.tion of taxes, including the clergy, who hitherto had escaped them, and the powerful ones among the n.o.blesse, who were not very exact; Provincial a.s.semblies on an elective principle, which, by the bye, are big with happy, very happy consequences, that will come to light as we go on; economies to the amount of forty millions at least; the destruction of interior custom houses; a modification of the Gabelle; an annual publication of the account of the finances; the printing of all pensions, gifts, &c.; more proper arrangements within some departments; and a more general instruction, habit of thinking on public affairs, &c. &c. are the good effects of this a.s.sembly, which, although it was not national, since we were not representatives, behaved with great propriety and patriotism.

On the last day of our session, I had the happiness to carry two motions in my Bureau which were, I may almost say, unanimously agreed to; the one in favor of the Protestant citizens of France, the other for an examination of the laws, particularly the criminal ones.

Enclosed is the resolve framed by the Bureau, which Count D'Artois, our President, presented to the King, and was graciously received. I was the more pleased with it, as some step of the kind, with respect to the protestants, that had been tried in the Parliament of Paris, had not the proper success. So far are we from religious freedom, that even in asking for tolerance, we must measure our expressions. I was more liberally supported, by a learned and virtuous prelate, the bishop of Langres, who spoke admirably on the religious motion I had introduced. You will see that the Bureau clogged it with many compliments to the Roman creed, to appease the priests and devotees.

I cannot express to you, my Dear Sir, what my feelings have been, whenever the unpaid interest of the American debt has been spoken of in the examination of the accounts. May the convention be the happy epocha of federal, energetic, patriotic measures! May the friends of America rejoice! May her enemies be humbled, and her censors silenced at the news of her n.o.ble exertions in continuance of those principles, which have placed her so high in the annals of history, and among the nations of the earth.

The archbishop of Toulouse is the ablest, and one of the most honest men, that could be put at the head of administration. He will be the prime influencer in everything, and we may depend upon him as a man equally enlightened and liberal.

I beg you will present my respectful compliments and those of Madame de Lafayette to Mrs Jay. Remember me to General Knox, Colonel Hamilton, Colonel Wadsworth, the Chancellor, Mr Madison, Doctor Cochran, the Governor, in a word, to all friends.

Please send the enclosed printed speeches, and copied resolves of the Bureau, to Mr Otho, who must be very desirous of getting them.

Most respectfully and affectionately yours,

LAFAYETTE.