The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume I Part 5

Paris, 27th November, 1776.

Gentlemen,

In a former letter I mentioned a naval enterprise, which might at first appear romantic, but the more it is considered the less danger I shall be in of being taxed on that score. Admiral Montague lately returned from the Banks, where the fishermen have had a wretched season, in consequence of the American privateers. He left two small sloops of war there of 14 and 16 guns. In common years they leave six or seven thousand of their laborers or fishermen there, as in a prison, through the winter, employed in taking seals, repairing boats, stages, &c.; these are unarmed, and ever dissatisfied to the last degree with their situation. Two frigates arriving early in February would destroy the fishery for one if not two years, and obtain an acquisition of a fine body of recruits for your navy. I have conferred with some persons here on the subject, who highly approve the enterprise, but I submit it to your opinion, after urging despatch in whatever is done or attempted on that subject.

The resolution of the Court of Spain in the case of Capt. Lee, at Bilboa, gives every encouragement to adventurers in these seas, where the prizes are valuable, and where you have constantly harbors at hand on the coast of France and Spain to repair to and refit in, and where constant and certain intelligence can be had of the situation of the British s.h.i.+ps of war, as well as of commerce. I need not add, on a subject so plain, and at the same time so important, but will only remind you that the Dutch, in the s.p.a.ce of two or three years after their first revolt from Spain, attacked the Spaniards so successfully and unexpectedly in every quarter of the globe, that the treasures they obtained thereby enabled them to carry on the war. Let me repeat, that if you empower me or any other person here, you may obtain any number of s.h.i.+ps of war on credit from individuals, on paying interest at five per cent until the princ.i.p.al is discharged. The king will probably have use for his, and besides, to let his go would be the same as a declaration of war, which in form at least will for some time be avoided.

I write on different subjects in my letters, as they rise in my mind, and leave you to use as you may judge best my sybil leaves, and am, gentlemen, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, 28th November, 1776.

Gentlemen,

Your favor of the 7th of August last, covering a copy of yours of the 8th of July, I received, though the original never came to hand. This letter also enclosed the _Declaration of Independency_, with instructions to make it known to this and the other powers of Europe; and I received it the 7th inst. though the vessel which brought it had but 38 days pa.s.sage from Salem. This letter was very far from relieving me, as it enclosed what had been circulated through Europe for two months before, and my pretending to inform this Court would be only a matter of form, in consequence of your orders, which were expressed in the style of any common affair. I certainly prefer simplicity of style, as well as manners, but something is due to the dignity of old and powerful states, or if you please to their prejudices in favor of long established form and etiquette; and as the United States of America, by this act, introduce themselves among the established powers, and rank with them, it must of course be expected that at the first introduction, or the announcing of it, some mode more formal, or if I may so say, more respectful, would have been made use of, than simply two or three lines from the committee of congress, in a letter something more apparently authentic, not that either your power or the reality of your letter could be doubted. I mention it as deserving consideration, whether in your application here and your powers and instructions of a public nature, it is not always proper to use a seal? This is a very ancient custom in all public and even private concerns of any consequence.

Further, to keep a proper intercourse with Europe, it is by no means sufficient to write a single letter, and leave it to be forwarded when the captain of a vessel thinks of it, or has nothing else to do.

Duplicates of every letter should be lodged in every port in the hands of faithful and attentive persons, to be forwarded by the first conveyance to any part of Europe. Had this been practised since my leaving America, instead of receiving but two short letters from you, I might have had intelligence every month; let me urge you, from the danger our affairs have been in of totally miscarrying for want of intelligence, to pay some attention to this in future.

As the copy was dated the eighth of July I took occasion to observe, that the honorable Congress had taken the earliest opportunity of informing this Court of the declaration of their Independency, and that the variety of important affairs before Congress, with the critical situation of the armies in their neighborhood, and the obstructions of their commerce, had prevented that intelligence which had been wished for, but that the present served to shew the early and princ.i.p.al attention of the United States to this Court; and as their Independency was now in form declared, the queries I had formerly put in consequence of my first instructions might now be resolved, and I hoped favorably. To this I was answered, unless France by a public acknowledgment of your Independency makes war on Great Britain in your favor, what service can such acknowledgment be of to the United States? You are known here, our ports are open, and free for your commerce, and your s.h.i.+ps are protected in them, and greater indulgencies allowed than to any other nations. If France should be obliged to make war on England, it will be much more just and honorable in the eyes of the world to make it on some other account; and if made at all, it is the same thing to the United States of America, and in one important view better for them, to have it originate from any other cause, as America will be under the less immediate obligation. Further, France has alliances, and cannot resolve a question which must perhaps involve her in a war, without previously consulting them. Meantime the United States can receive the same succors and a.s.sistance from France without, as well as with, such an open acknowledgment, and perhaps much more advantageously. To this and such like arguments I had the less to reply, as you informed me that articles for a proposed alliance with France were under consideration, and that I might soon expect them.

I was further told that the Swiss Cantons, though in every respect free and independent States for several centuries, had not to this hour been acknowledged as such by any public act of any one power in Europe, except France, and that neither the Revolution in the United Provinces or Portugal had been attended with any such acknowledgment, though the powers of Europe in both cases lent their aid. I replied that I would not urge a formal acknowledgment, as long as the same ends could be obtained, and without the inconveniences hinted at; besides, as I daily expected further instructions I would reserve myself until their arrival. The apprehensions of the United States'

negociating has done us much damage, and the interview at New York said to have been between a Commissioner of Congress and the two brothers, however politic the step may have been in America, was made use of to our prejudice in Europe, at this Court in particular, as it has been for some time a.s.serted by Lord Stormont and others, that a negociation would take place, and as far as this is believed, so far our cause has suffered and our friends been staggered in their resolutions. My opinion is, that the House of Bourbon in every branch will be our friends; it is their interest to humble Great Britain.

Yesterday it was roundly affirmed at Versailles, that a letter was received in London from Philadelphia, in which it was said I had written advising the Congress to negociate, for that I could obtain no a.s.sistance from Europe. You can hardly conceive how dangerous even such reports are, and how prejudicial every step that looks like confirming them. The importance of America in every point of view, appears more and more striking to all Europe, but particularly to this kingdom.

Enclosed I send you the size of masts and spars with the price, which, if it will answer, may be a certain article of remittance, as may other naval stores, but I dare not contract with the marine, as I have no powers, and am unacquainted with the rate at which they were usually exported to England. A wide field is opening, since the American commerce is to be free, and I have had applications from many parts on the subject, though few are disposed to venture until the close of this campaign, and if it is not decisive against us, our wants will be supplied another season at as cheap a rate as ever, but I trust never more on the old terms of long credit.

I am well nigh harra.s.sed to death with applications of officers to go out to America. Those I have engaged are I trust in general of the best character; but that I should engage, or rather take from the hands of some leading men here, some one or two among the rest not so accomplished, cannot be surprising, and may, considering my situation, be pardonable, but I have no suspicion of any such in my department, of consequence. I have been offered troops from Germany on the following general terms, viz.;--officers to recruit as for the service of France, and embark for St Domingo from Dunkirk, and by altering their route land in the American States. The same has been proposed with Switzerland, to which I could give no encouragement, but submit it to your consideration in Congress, whether, if you can establish a credit as I have before hinted, it would not be well to purchase at Leghorn five or six stout frigates, which might at once transport some companies of Swiss, and a quant.i.ty of stores, and the whole be defended by the Swiss soldiers on their pa.s.sage? Or, if you prefer Germans, which I really do not, the vessels might go from Dunkirk. I daily expect important advices from the North, respecting commerce at least, having sent to the King of Prussia, in consequence of a memorial he ordered his agent here to show me, and propose some queries to me, a state of the North American commerce at large. I have presented memorial after memorial here, until in my last I think I have exhausted the subject as far as the present time, having in my last given the history of the controversy, obviated the objections made against us, and pointed out the consequences that must ensue to France and Spain if they permit the Colonies to be subjugated by their old hereditary enemy. It consisted of fifty pages, and was, after being translated, presented to his Majesty and his Ministers, and I was a.s.sured was favorably received and considered. I presented it about two weeks since, and whether it has hastened the preparations or not I cannot say. The Ministry were pleased to say, that I had placed the whole in the most striking point of view, and they believed with great justice. I could wish to send you copies of these, but I have no a.s.sistant except occasionally, and the uncertainty of my situation will not permit my making engagements to one, who might deserve confidence, and those who are deserving are but few.

Bread will be scarce before the next harvest. Flour is now 22 and 23 livres per cwt. and tobacco is as I have before mentioned; and I promise myself you will not let slip so favorable an opportunity of making remittances to advantage. In expectation of your sending over frigates to convoy your s.h.i.+ps, and of your giving instructions on what I have written you of operations in these seas, I design being at Bordeaux in March, when I shall be able to give you the needful directions in any such affair; but, at any rate, send out a number of blank commissions for privateers to be fitted out in Europe under your flag. The prizes must finally be brought to you for condemnation, and the princ.i.p.al advantage will remain with you. I have written largely, and on many subjects, yet fear I have omitted some things deserving attention.

Mons. du Coudray will be with you by the receipt of this, with stores complete for thirty thousand men. The extraordinary exertions of this gentleman, and his character, ent.i.tle him to much from the United States, and I hope the sum I have stipulated with him for, will not be considered extravagant, when you consider it is much less than is given in Europe. Baron de Kalb I consider an important acquisition, as are many other of the officers whose characters I may not stay to particularize, but refer you to Baron de Kalb, who speaks English, and to Mr Rogers, who is generally acquainted with them. As to sea officers, they are not so easily obtained, yet some good ones may be had, and in particular two; one of whom I have already mentioned; the other is quite his equal, with some other advantages; he was first lieutenant of a man of war round the world, with Captain Cook, and has since had a s.h.i.+p, but wants to leave this for other service, where he may make a settlement, and establish a family. These two officers would engage a number of younger ones. Should they embark, I send herewith the plans of one of them for burning s.h.i.+ps. I submit it to the honorable Congress, who are sensible of the variety and magnitude of the objects before me, whether it is not of importance to despatch some one of its body to a.s.sist me, or to take a part by his own immediate direction. Such a person known to possess your fullest confidence, would, by his advice and a.s.sistance, be of service to me, though he were, and I were, occasionally at Madrid or Berlin. Having obtained some knowledge of the language, and an acquaintance with those in power here, as well as others, such abilities as I have, which are ever devoted to my country, can be employed here to the best advantage at present, but I submit my thoughts to your determination, and am, with great truth and sincerity,

SILAS DEANE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, 29th November, 1776.

Gentlemen,

The several letters you will receive with this, will give you some idea of the situation I have been in for some months past, though after all I must refer you to Mr Rogers for particulars on some subjects. I should never have completed what I have, but for the generous, the indefatigable and spirited exertions of Monsieur Beaumarchais, to whom the United States are on every account greatly indebted; more so than to any other person on this side the water; he is greatly in advance for stores, clothing, and the like, and therefore I am confident you will make him the earliest and most ample remittances. He wrote you by Mr McCrery, and will write you again by this conveyance. A nephew of his, a young gentleman of family, education, and spirit, makes a voyage to America with Monsieur du Coudray, and is ambitious of serving his first campaigns in your service. I recommend him therefore to your particular patronage and protection, as well on account of the great merits of his uncle, as on that of his being a youth of spirit and genius; and just entering the world in a foreign country, he needs protection and paternal advice to countenance and encourage him. This I have confidently a.s.sured his uncle he will receive from you, and am happy in knowing you will fulfil my engagements on that score, and, in whatever department you may fix him, that you will recommend him to the patronage of some person, on whom you may rely to act at once the friendly and the paternal part.

A particular account of the stores s.h.i.+pped may probably not be ready by this vessel, but may go by the next or some succeeding one, as several will sail after this on the same errand. Let me by every letter urge on you the sending in season a quant.i.ty of tobacco, of rice, and flour or wheat. These are articles which cannot fail, and are capital ones; twenty thousand hogsheads of tobacco are this instant wanted in France, besides the demand in other kingdoms. I think Monsieur Beaumarchais wrote you under the firm of _Hortalez & Co._ if so, you will address him in the same style; but as I must probably remain here until the arrival of these articles, I can regulate that on the arrival of your despatches. I have advised these stores being s.h.i.+pped for some of the New England ports, northeast of Newport first, and if failing of making a port there, to stand for the Capes of the Delaware, or for Charleston in South Carolina, as the most likely route to avoid interception. I cannot in a letter do full justice to Monsieur Beaumarchais for his great address and a.s.siduity in our cause; I can only say he appears to have undertaken it on great and liberal principles, and has in the pursuit made it his own. His interest and influence, which are great, have been exerted to the utmost in the cause of the United States, and I hope the consequences will equal his wishes.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, 29th November, 1776.

Gentlemen,

I have recommended several officers to your service, but none with greater pleasure, scarce any one with so much confidence of his answering great and valuable purposes, as the bearer, Colonel Conway, a native of Ireland, advanced in the service by his merit. His views are to establish himself and his growing family in America; consequently he becomes our countryman and engages on the most certain principles. This gentleman has seen much service; his princ.i.p.al department has been that of training and disciplining troops, and preparing for action; and from his abilities as well as from his long experience, he is considered as one of the most skilful disciplinarians in France. Such an officer must be, I conceive, of very great service, and his generously confiding in the honorable Congress for such rank and appointments as they shall confer, ent.i.tles him still more to our immediate attention and notice. I have a.s.sured him of the most favorable reception, and am confident he will receive the same.

Colonel Conway takes with him some young officers of his own training, who know well the English language, and may be of immediate service in the same important department of discipline. As Colonel Conway has been long in service, (though in prime of life) I am confident you will not think it right he should rank under those who have served under him in this kingdom, which will not be the case if he fills the place of an Adjutant, or Brigadier General, for which, I am well a.s.sured, he is every way well qualified. I have advanced him as per receipt enclosed towards his expenses and appointments or wages, and told him he may rely on your granting him one of the above ranks in the Continental forces. Should the honorable Congress have a new body of troops to form in any part of the Continent, this gentleman might take the direction of them to very great advantage, and may, I presume, be equally so in the station you may appoint him in the main army.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, 1st December, 1776.

Gentlemen,

Among the many important objects, which employ your whole attention, I presume ways and means for defraying the expenses of the present war have a capital place. You will therefore give the following thoughts the weight which they deserve. In the first place, to emit more bills will be rather dangerous; for money, or whatever pa.s.ses for such, when it exceeds the amount of the commerce of a state, must lose its value; and the present circ.u.mscribed state of the American commerce, is perhaps within the amount of your emissions already made. Your bills, therefore, must be borrowed of individuals by the public at interest, or those already emitted paid off by taxes and new emissions. Some Colonies may now be content with a tax, but it is most probably quite out of the power of some, and a measure rather impolitic in a majority of the Colonies or States, _durante bello_.

To effect any considerable loan in Europe is perhaps difficult. It has not been tried, and on the probability of succeeding in this I will give my sentiments hereafter. It is obvious, that let the loan be made when it will, it must have a day fixed for payment, and respect to some fund appropriated to that purpose. The relying on future taxes is holding up to the people a succession of distresses and burthens which are not to cease even with the war itself, whereas could they have a prospect of paying the expenses of the war at the close of it, and enjoying the remainder of their fortunes clear of inc.u.mberance, it must greatly encourage and animate both the public and private spirit in pus.h.i.+ng it on with vigor. A loan of six or eight millions, or a debt of that amount, will probably enable you to finish the war. This I am confident may be negotiated on terms, which I will propose hereafter, but previously let it be attended to, that the present contest has engaged the attention of all Europe, and more, it will eventually interest all Europe in favor of the United States, the Russians in the north and Portugal in the south, excepted; I make no consideration of the little mercenary electorates in my calculation.

The mercantile part of the other powers are convinced, where their interest appears so evidently engaged. The political part are sensible of the importance of enlarging their own naval concerns and force, and of checking that of Great Britain. The good and wise part, the lovers of liberty and human happiness, look forward to the establishment of American freedom and independence as an event, which will secure to them and their descendants an asylum from the effects and violence of despotic power, daily gaining ground in every part of Europe. From those and other considerations, on which I need not be minute, emigrations from Europe will be prodigious, immediately on the establishment of American Independency. The consequence of this must be the rise of the lands already settled, and a demand for new or uncultivated land; on this demand I conceive a certain fund may now be fixed. You may smile, and recollect the sale of the bearskin in the fable, but at the same time you must be sensible that your wants are real, and if others can be induced to relieve them, it is indifferent to you whether they have a consideration in hand or in prospect.

I trace the river Ohio from its junction to its head, thence north to Lake Erie on the south and west of that lake to Fort Detroit, which is in the lat.i.tude of Boston, thence a west course to the Mississippi, and return to the place of my departure. These three lines of near one thousand miles each, include an immense territory in a fine climate, well watered, and by accounts exceedingly fertile; it is not inhabited by any Europeans of consequence, and the tribes of Indians are inconsiderable, and will decrease faster than the lands can possibly be demanded for cultivation. To this I ask your attention as a resource amply adequate, under proper regulations, for defraying the whole expense of the war, and the sums necessary to be given the Indians in purchase of the native right. But to give this land value, inhabitants are necessary. I therefore propose, in the first place, that a grant be made of a tract of land at the mouth of the Ohio, between that and the Mississippi, equal to two hundred miles square, to a company formed indiscriminately of Europeans and Americans, which company should form a distinct state, confederated with and under the general regulations of the United States General of America. That the Congress of the United States shall, out of such grant, reserve the defraying or discharging of the public debts or expenses; one fifth part of all the lands, mines, &c. within said tract, to be disposed of by the Congress, in such manner as good policy and the public exigencies may dictate, the said one fifth to be sequestered out of every grant or settlement made by the company, of equal goodness with the rest of such grant or settlement. The company on their part shall engage to have, in seven years after the pa.s.sing such grant ---- thousand families settled on said grant, and civil government regulated and supported on free and liberal principles, taking therein the advice of the honorable Congress of the United States. They shall, also, from and after their having one thousand families as abovementioned, contribute their proportion of the public expenses of the Continent, or United States, according to the number of their inhabitants, and shall be ent.i.tled to a voice in Congress, as soon as they are called on thus to contribute. The company shall at all times have the preference of purchasing the Continental or common interest thus reserved, when it shall be offered for sale. The company shall consist, on giving the patent or grant, of at least one hundred persons.

These are the outlines of a proposed grant, which you see contains more than 25,000,000 acres of land, the one fifth of which, if a settlement is carried on vigorously, will soon be of prodigious value.

At this time a company might be formed in France, Germany, &c. who would form a stock of one hundred thousand pounds sterling, to defray the expense of this settlement. By such a step, you, in the first place, extend the circle of your connexion and influence. You increase the number of your inhabitants, proportionably lessen the common expenses and have in the reserve a fund for public exigencies.

Further, as this company would be in a great degree commercial, the establis.h.i.+ng commerce at the junction of these large rivers, would immediately give a value to all the lands situate on or near them within the above extensive description, and future grants might admit of larger reserves, amply sufficient for defraying the expenses of the war, and possibly for establis.h.i.+ng funds for other important purposes.

It may be objected that this is not a favorable time for such a measure. I reply it is the most favorable that can happen. You want money, and by holding up thus early to view a certain fund on which to raise it, even the most certain in the world, that of land security, you may obtain the loan and engage the monied interest of Europe in your favor. I have spoken with many persons of good sense on this subject, which makes me the more sanguine.

As to a loan, I will now dismiss this scheme to speak of that, only adding, or rather repeating what I have in a former letter written, that a large and generous allowance ought immediately to be made to the officers and soldiers serving in the present war, in which regard should be had to the wounded, the widows or children of those that fall, and to the term or number of campaigns each one serves. This will make the army consist literally of a set of men fighting for freehold, and it will be a great encouragement to foreigners, with whom five hundred or a thousand acres of land has a great sound.

It has been a question with me at times, whether, if our commerce were open and protected, the colonies would be wise in negotiating a loan.

But on considering, that before this war, the imports of the Colonies just about balanced their exports, I cannot think it possible, with the most rigid economy, supposing exports as large as formerly, to make a lessening of consumption equal to the amount of the expenses of the war; and consequently a debt must be contracted by the public somewhere. The question which naturally arises is, whether it be most prudent to contract this debt at home or abroad. To me it admits of no doubt, that the latter is to be preferred on every account. If you can establish a credit and pay your interest punctually, the rate of interest will be less by two or three per cent in Europe than in America; you will thereby engage foreigners by the strongest tie, that of their immediate interest, to support your cause. There are other obvious reasons for preferring the latter mode.

The next question is, where can you borrow, and what security can you offer? Holland is at present the centre of money and credit for Europe, and every nation is more or less indebted to her collectively to such an amount, that could the nations in Europe at once pay the whole of their debts to this _Republic of Mammon_, it would as effectually ruin it, as the breaking in of the sea through their d.y.k.es. Would you know the credit and situation of the affairs of the different kingdoms, consult the books of the Dutch banks.