The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XI Part 34

ROBERT MORRIS TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Office of Finance, April 27th, 1782.

Sir,

His Excellency, the Minister of France, having informed on the part of his Court, that no extraordinary sums will be paid to the Ministers of the United States in Europe, I must request that you will furnish me with an account of their several salaries, payable to the foreign Ministers and their Secretaries, and I will make out bills in your favor on the banker of the United States in Paris for the last quarter, commencing with the present year. I must at the same time pray, you will require of those gentlemen, the state of their several accounts with the public for salaries, that the whole may be adjusted, and all future expenses of that sort be cla.s.sed under the proper head of the Department of Foreign Affairs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, May 2d, 1782.

Sir,

The enclosed resolution of Congress will explain the cause of this letter. The information it refers to, is an a.s.surance that Britain had absolutely declined any interference of the mediating powers between them and what they call their rebel subjects. They persist on every occasion in representing us as a divided people, who anxiously wish to return to our connexion with England. In this they have two objects equally important to them. 1st. They encourage England to continue a war, which they expect to see terminated by our own weariness and languor; and 2dly. They put such a face upon their affairs as will ent.i.tle them on a negotiation to make demands at our expense, which they would not presume to think of, if the mediators were acquainted with our firm resolution never to return to our obedience to their Government. Besides which, they cast a degree of odium upon the conduct of France, representing it as the support of a discontented faction, rather than as the generous ally of an oppressed nation.

There is reason to apprehend, that in order the better to secure the advantages of this deceitful policy to themselves, they will make proffers to each of the United States. If any of them should listen to them, (which cannot, however, be presumed,) they will urge this, as a proof of their a.s.sertions, even if they should decline receiving their proposals and refer them to Congress, as from the nature of our Union they undoubtedly must; still as the result of the experiment cannot be known for some time in Europe, they will avail themselves of it in part, if negotiations should open.

This artifice of the enemy may be counteracted in two ways, both of which deserve the serious attention of your Legislature. The first and most important is, by making such exertions to procure a respectable army early in the season, that the mediators casting their eyes upon the muster rolls, may there read a full refutation of all that British artifice can suggest. I need not observe, that this measure must go hand in hand with taxation, since an army without the means of supporting it, would only increase our evils. The second is to antic.i.p.ate the attempt of Great Britain by such resolutions as the information contained in this letter suggests, resolutions which strongly mark a spirited determination in the Legislature of each State to listen to no negotiations, except through the intervention of Congress, which manifest their attachment to the independence of their country, and inviolable regard to the faith they have pledged to each other, and to their allies. These may either prevent the attempt I apprehend, or arrive in time to counteract this effect, which the false expectations built thereon might otherwise have in Europe.

I mention this to your Excellency without any express direction from Congress. It is more than probable, that your judgment, and the zeal and wisdom of the Legislature, may improve these loose hints to the general advantage of the United States. I have the pleasure of a.s.suring your Excellency and the Legislature, that the fairest prospects are now before us of terminating the war by a single exertion, though I am not at liberty to say, that the plan of the ensuing campaign is absolutely determined on, yet I have great reason to believe, that we shall receive such powerful military aid, as, with becoming exertions on our part, will free every State in the Union from the grasp of the enemy.

Here, Sir, I might pause, and suffer my imagination to dwell upon the animating prospect before us; but reasoning from the past to the future, I dare not indulge the pleasing idea. We have at no period been in a situation to second fully the endeavors of our ally to serve us; we either neglected to a.s.semble our army in time, or to provide the means for supporting or moving them; a feather would have turned the balance last year, notwithstanding the powerful aid we received from abroad. Providence blinded our adversaries; to their temerity we owe our success.

But, Sir, let me ask, whether any State did then, or has even now, done all in its power to enable our Generals to prosecute this victory? Or rather let me turn to what is more within our line, by observing, that the inferiority of our army in point of numbers to that of our ally while they acted at Yorktown, has been considered in Europe as a proof of the a.s.sertions of Britain, and has been urged as an argument of our weakness, our weariness of the war, or our internal divisions. A moment's reflection will show the advantages, that this affords our antagonist in a negotiation. How much it weakens the claims we make, and how many important benefits may be lost forever by our appearing in Europe to receive our independence rather as a gift, than to have established it by our exertions!

But, Sir, it is still in our power to repair these errors. Let us avail ourselves of this favorable moment for expelling the enemy, and recovering our diminished credit among the nations of the earth.

I make no apology for the liberty I take. Your Excellency, I am persuaded, is too sensible of the truth of these observations, to think they could be delivered with less earnestness by one, who feels their importance, and I am confident that you will bring them before the Legislature of your State in such manner as will best serve to ensure them their attention.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Philadelphia, May 8th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

I enclose the list of salaries you requested. The charges of those who act as secretaries to Dr Franklin and Mr Adams are not yet settled. I shall lay the list before Congress and make them some propositions on the subject. It will be necessary to afford a small sum to each of the Ministers to enable them to defray contingent expenses, which are continually happening, particularly to Dr Franklin, who is at the centre of all our communications. I will converse with you on this subject, and endeavor to form an estimate of what this ought to be.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Foreign Affairs, May 8th, 1782.

Sir,

The enclosed account of the annual expense of the Department of Foreign Affairs, exclusive of contingent expenses, was made out at the request of the Superintendent of Finance, that measures might be taken to discharge the salaries of the gentlemen in Europe, who express great uneasiness on the subject; but as it is incomplete till the allowance to the private secretaries of Dr Franklin and Mr Adams are ascertained, I have thought it proper to lay the whole before Congress, for their direction thereon.

Congress were pleased to order by their resolution of the 2d of January last, that the Secretary of Foreign Affairs should lay before them an estimate of the expenses, which will probably be incurred by the foreign Ministers of the United States respectively, and their secretaries. I find myself under great embarra.s.sments in preparing a report agreeably to their order, from not being able to enter fully into their views. I should presume, that the expense of foreign Ministers ought to be regulated by their salaries, though I feel that the desire of supporting the dignity of an office, to which the salary is incompetent, often urges men to quit the line, how much soever they may be embarra.s.sed thereby. Justice and policy suggest, that the salaries of officers, who are engaged in so delicate and difficult a department as that of Foreign Affairs, should have such appointments as to free them from embarra.s.sments with respect to their private affairs. I believe Congress had this in view when they settled those of their foreign Ministers, none of whom complain of their being inadequate, unless it be Mr Jay, who has given us some reason to think his salary, in his opinion, is barely sufficient for his support, and that his manner of living is not equal to what he conceives the dignity of the United States requires. With respect to the salaries of the secretaries to the Emba.s.sies, it is in my opinion, (founded upon the practice of other nations) at least the double of what it ought to be.

If, as I presume, Congress intended by their resolution, that I should lay before them an account of the manner in which our foreign Ministers live at present, that they might themselves be enabled to judge of the proportion it bore to their appointments, I can only say, that the result of inquiries on this head must necessarily be extremely uncertain. I submit them as far as they have come to my knowledge.

Dr Franklin has a part of M. Chaumont's house at Pa.s.sy; he keeps a chariot and pair, and three or four servants, and gives a dinner occasionally to the Americans and others; his whole expense is, as far as I can learn, very much within his income.

Mr Adams lives in lodgings, keeps a chariot and pair, and two men servants; he has. .h.i.therto retained a private secretary in the absence of Mr Dana, who will, if is to be presumed, be paid by Congress. I have lately heard that Mr Adams was about to take a house.

Mr Dana's salary, even if he should a.s.sume a public character, in a country where the relative value of money is so high, that, if I am well informed, an elegant house may be had for fifteen guineas a year, is very ample.

Of Mr Jay's manner of living, I have been able to obtain no account, but should conclude from the price of the necessaries of life, in the part of Spain in which he lives, from the port the Court and the people about it maintain, and above all, from its sitting in different parts of the kingdom, that to live in the same style with Dr Franklin or Mr Adams, his expenses must amount to nearly double of theirs.

But as every conjecture of this kind must be very uncertain, all I can do is to lay before Congress the relative expense, as far as I can learn it, between the different places at which our Ministers reside, taking Philadelphia for the common standard.

Paris, if wine, clothing, and the wages of servants are included, is about twenty per cent cheaper than Philadelphia; Amsterdam ten, and at Madrid the expenses of a family are somewhat higher than at this place. But the unsettled state of those who follow the Court, their travelling equipage and charges must greatly enhance this expense.

Congress will make their own deductions from these facts, after allowing for their inaccuracy. I would, however, take the liberty to submit the enclosed resolutions to Congress; the first is founded upon the propriety of supplying Dr Franklin with a secretary, which his age and the dignity of his employment render necessary. As Mr Jay is not yet acknowledged, Mr Carmichael's services in Spain may be dispensed with.

The second, third, fifth, and sixth, are designed to make a reform in the article of expense.

The fourth to prevent the claim which any gentlemen, who may be appointed to any of the Northern Courts, may have to the salary settled by Congress on the 5th of October, and to adapt the character to the allowance.

The sixth to enable Congress, without injuring the dignity of their Ministers, to proportion the allowance to the expense of the Court they reside at, as well us to the port which they would wish them to maintain.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Office of Foreign Affairs, May 9th, 1782.

The Secretary of Foreign Affairs humbly submits the following resolutions to the consideration of Congress.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.