The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XII Part 32
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_April 22d, 1783._ "The honorable Mr Osgood, Mr Bland, Mr Peters, Mr Madison, and Mr Hamilton, a committee of Congress appointed to confer with me respecting my continuance in office. I told them that a letter from Mr Grand, gave a new complexion to our affairs in Europe, and that a frigate being just arrived in a short pa.s.sage from France I expect further advices, which I am desirous of seeing before I enter into this conference. I stated the difficulty of fulfilling engagements, and the danger of taking any new ones."
_April 24th, 1783._ "The committee of Congress called this morning, in consequence of Mr G. Morris having told Mr Osgood, that he imagined I was ready for a conference with them. I told the committee that my mind had been constantly occupied on the subject, from the time they first called until the present moment. That I see and feel the necessity and propriety of dismissing the army among their fellow citizens, satisfied and contented; that I dread the consequences of sending them into civil life, with murmurs and complaints in their mouths; and that no man can be better disposed than I am to satisfy the army, or more desirous of serving our country, but that my own affairs call loudly for my care and attention. However, having already engaged in this business, and willing to oblige Congress if they think my a.s.sistance essential, I will consent to remain in office for the purpose of such payment to the army, as may be agreed on as necessary to disband them with their own consent, &c. But prayed of Congress to excuse me from even this service if they can accomplish their views in such other way as they may approve."
These, Sir, are exact copies of my minutes on the subject, and although they were hastily drawn, yet I can safely appeal to the committee to declare, whether they do not contain what really pa.s.sed, and also whether I did not (in reply to a question put to me by one of the members) say, that I expected, if Congress should ask me to continue in office, they would confine their request to the effecting that particular object of satisfying the army, and would distinguish it from anything, which might be construed into an approbation of their plan for funding the public debts.
I hope, Sir, that Congress will excuse me for picturing the situation I was in, and the feelings which arose out of it. By the Act of the 7th of February, 1781, it was declared to be the duty of the Superintendent of Finance, "to digest and report plans for improving and regulating the finances." Congress well know, that I have from time to time attempted the performance of this duty, and they know also, that such plans have not met with their approbation. The clear inference is, what I have already declared both previously and subsequently to my appointment, that my abilities are unequal to the task I am called to perform. If, therefore, Congress would at any time have made a new appointment, I should have considered it as the greatest favor. But since they saw fit to continue me in office, I prepared the best plans which I could devise, and finding they were not agreeable to the ideas of Congress, I waited for the adoption of such as might be suggested from some other quarter, or originated among themselves. I patiently, but anxiously waited until the 24th of January last; but then a clear view of those circ.u.mstances, which have since followed, compelled me to request they would appoint some other man to be the Superintendent of their Finances, if effectual measures were not taken by the end of May, to make permanent provision for the public debts of every kind. On the 26th of February, finding that no successor was yet appointed, and that the plans of Congress were not yet completed, I requested leave _to give due and seasonable information of my removal to those who had confided in me_. By this means I became pledged to the world, not to continue in office after the end of May, unless such measures as I conceived to be effectual, should be taken before that period, to provide for the public debts.
On the 7th of March, I received the report of a committee on the finances, with orders to transmit my observations. These are contained in a letter of the 8th. On the 9th day of April, (no plan being yet adopted) a committee called on me to know, whether three months' pay could be advanced to the army. I stated to them the incapacity of the public treasury to complete in any short period the one month's pay already promised, as also the great antic.i.p.ations made on the public revenue. And on the 14th, in a letter recapitulating the hazardous situation of things, I informed them that I believed the object they had in view was practicable by means of a large paper antic.i.p.ation. On the 18th the plan was adopted for funding the public debts.
It was under these circ.u.mstances, Sir, that I held the conferences now immediately in question. It was my most earnest desire to be dismissed from office, and I stood pledged for it to the public. But a circ.u.mstance of peculiar nature, which had not been foreseen, now presented itself. That army to whom we were indebted for our national existence was to be disbanded, either in extreme misery, or with some little relief. Every principle of justice and grat.i.tude called loudly to administer it; but this could not be done without entering into engagements beyond our resources. The dictates of prudence would, indeed, have determined me to adhere inflexibly to the resolution expressed in my letter of the 24th of January. By so doing I hazarded nothing. And as far as my own reputation was concerned, I could have placed it in security. For I must be permitted to say, that if solid arrangements had been taken to establish national credit, four times the required sum might have been easily obtained. No evils, therefore, had arisen, which I had not predicted, and none which it was possible for me to guard against.
But, Sir, my conduct was not influenced either by personal or prudential motives. A sense of the situation to which Congress were reduced, an earnest desire to support their dignity and authority, a grateful regard to our fellow citizens in arms, mingled with respect for their sufferings and virtues. These sentiments, Sir, decided my opinion. I agreed for your sakes and for theirs to enter into a labyrinth, of which I did not then, nor do I now see the termination.
But I could not do this, except under conditions and limitations. The conditions were, that Congress should ask my continuance, and pledge themselves for my support; the limitations, that the objects of my continuance should be accurately expressed, and that it should be confined to the fulfilment of such engagements, as those objects might require. These terms were expressed to the committee, and I am sure they will do me the justice to acknowledge that they were so. Whether they were reasonable, and whether they have been complied with, form questions of some importance.
It may be suggested, that asking my continuance would derogate from the dignity of Congress. How far this observation is founded, will appear from a resolution of the 21st of December last. It was not a new thing to make such requests, nor was the practice obsolete, yet I should not have desired anything more particular on this subject than has been done in the Act of the 28th of April, although far short of what other persons have received. But surely it will be admitted, that I had a right to expect Congress would pledge themselves for my support when I entered into such deep engagements for theirs. Whether the limitation of my continuance in the manner just mentioned was proper, will appear from considering whether it consisted with the dignity of Congress to procure my tacit approbation of their system for funding the public debts; a system widely different from ideas, which I had expressed on a variety of occasions, and in the most pointed manner. Surely, Sir, it was not kind to place me in a situation where I must appear either to refuse the performance of an important public service, or to break the most solemn engagements and contradict the most express declarations. I might dwell much on this question, but the delicacy of Congress will render it unnecessary.
The second question is, whether the terms I offered have been complied with. And this question is answered by a bare inspection of the Act.
Your Excellency will pardon me for mentioning, that the report and resolution considered conjunctively, rather convey the idea of a permission to hold my office than anything else. I had declared to the committee, and here again repeat, that a longer continuance would be extremely disagreeable to me, and that nothing but the particular circ.u.mstances already mentioned, could induce my consent. I must add, that under the resolution in its present form I cannot stay. I shall detain your Excellency no longer than to mention, that I am sensible some other man may still suppose that I am only desirous of obtaining from Congress some more particular resolutions. To obviate such disingenuous remarks, it is my humble request that no further question be made on my subject. If, Sir, I have rendered any services, and if those services have merited any return, I shall ask no other reward than a compliance with this request.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, May 3d, 1783.
Sir,
Upon consideration of the Act of Congress, of the 28th of April[15]
and 2d instant, I have determined to comply with their views. But I pray it may be understood, that my continuance in office is limited to the particular object of fulfilling my present engagements, and those which the necessity of our affairs may compel me to form. Let me entreat your Excellency to inform Congress, that I entertain a proper sense of their a.s.surance of firm support, and that in a reliance on it I shall continue my zealous exertions for the service of the United States.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
[15] Requesting Mr Morris's continuance in office.
TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.
Office of Finance, May 6th, 1783.
Sir,
I do myself the honor to enclose to your Excellency the copy of an Act of Congress of the 2d instant. I shall in consequence thereof address some special despatches to Dr Franklin, by a packet boat, which I will communicate to your Excellency, and pray you to write to your Court on the subject of them.
In the meantime, I beg leave to mention to you, Sir, that if, (as I am informed,) the administration of your army have more money in this country than they have immediate occasion for, it would greatly facilitate my operations to be possessed of it. What I have to propose on the subject is, that whatever sum may be paid to me here, should be deducted from the three millions mentioned in the enclosed resolution, and be repaid from the amount of the existing requisitions on the States. But that if this arrangement should not be agreeable to the Court, then that it be paid in France or here, immediately after I shall have been made acquainted with his Majesty's pleasure, and in such way as shall be most agreeable to your Court.
I present this matter to you, Sir, quite naked of arguments, to enforce the request. I am sure, that you will do what you conceive to be right; you know our situation, and I presume that you are acquainted with the orders given to your administration.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.
Office of Finance, May 12th, 1783.
Sir,
I do myself the honor to enclose to your Excellency, Acts of Congress of the 28th of April and 2d instant, together with a copy of my letters in answer. Permit me to a.s.sure you, Sir, that nothing would have induced me to continue in office, but a view of the public distresses. These distresses are much greater than can easily be conceived. I am not ignorant that attempts are made to infuse the pernicious idea that foreign aid is easily attainable, and that of the moneys already obtained a considerable part remains unappropriated. If such attempts were injurious only to my reputation, I should be entirely silent; but they are calculated to prevent exertions, and are therefore injurious to the public service. I most seriously a.s.sure you, that I do not expect success in the application to France, directed by the Act of the 2d instant, although my earnest endeavors shall not be wanting.
If, however, it should prove successful, we shall only be enabled to draw resource from it at a future period, and the amount is to be replaced from the produce of existing requisitions on the States. With respect to the moneys, which have already been obtained abroad, I will not pretend to say what lights those gentlemen may have, who speak on the subject in a decisive tone, but I candidly acknowledge, that I have never yet been able to obtain a clear statement of them, which is the reason why no account of those moneys have yet been laid before the public. Those who know the confusion in our domestic transactions, from which we are just beginning to be extricated, will not be surprised that foreign transactions dependent on them should also be deranged. Neither can it be expected that in the midst of war the accounts could be so soon adjusted and transmitted as could be wished.
I have written to obtain them, and a commissioner is employed in adjusting them. From the best statement and estimate which I have, I can a.s.sure you, that what remains at my disposition is extremely small.
Your Excellency is doubtless informed, that at the close of last year, there was an antic.i.p.ation on the public credit to the amount of above four hundred thousand dollars. This antic.i.p.ation amounts to a greater sum now than it did then, and a very considerable addition must be made at the disbanding of the army. My mere a.s.sertion might, I am sensible, be drawn into doubt, but, Sir, there is evidence sufficient to convince every considerate man. The expenses of 1782 were above twentytwo hundred thousand dollars; those of 1783 are greater, by a month's pay made to the army, and by extending the contract for rations. Near five months of this year are already expired. One month's pay of the army is above two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, according to the establishment, and although the army is not completed to its establishment, yet the deficiency, being in private sentinels, will not form a great deduction.
The conclusion from what I have stated is clear and irresistible; there is no reliance but on the energy of the States, and it is on that reliance that I rest for the affairs of my department. I shall not add anything to what is said in the resolutions of Congress, as inducements for, or to stimulate exertions, because I cannot suppose that the voice or the word of an individual servant will meet an attention which is not paid to the representation of the whole empire, expressed in its solemn Acts, and on the most urgent occasion, where wisdom, justice, and grat.i.tude combine to enforce the requisition.
I am, Dear Sir, yours, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO THOMAS BARCLAY, AGENT FOR SETTLING THE PUBLIC ACCOUNTS IN EUROPE.
Office of Finance, May 12th, 1783.
Sir,
I have received from you many letters, which I beg leave to acknowledge.
The bills drawn by order of Congress at a long sight on their Ministers, as well in Spain and Holland as in France, have involved the affairs of my Department in a labyrinth of confusion, from which I cannot extricate them, and I very much fear that many of these bills will have been twice paid. I know not what has been done respecting them, and only know, that ever since I entered into office they have not only plagued and perplexed me, but they have invariably consumed the resources on which I have formed a reliance. I have now determined to refer them all to Mr Grand for payment, but according to such arrangements as you shall take. You will be pleased, therefore, to consult with Dr Franklin, Mr Adams, Mr Laurens, and Mr Jay, to whom I write on the subject, as you will see by the enclosed letters.
I enclose you an account from the treasury of what bills have been drawn on those gentlemen, and I am to request, that you will obtain as soon as possible an account of the payments made on them, as also of those which are still due, and take measures to have them paid by drafts for the purpose, if necessary, on Mr Grand, and provide against the double payments, which I fear. I have already ordered funds into Mr Grand's hands. Some I expect from you. As the credit I gave you has not been used, that alone furnishes a part, and I expect there will be considerable balances from the sales of the Alliance's prizes, of which I am daily expecting your accounts, &c. You will also, I suppose, have recovered the insurance you made, to the amount of forty thousand florins, which will be something. Every aid which you can bestow is necessary, for I fear those bills will plunge him into great difficulties, and the protest of any public bills, particularly any which I should draw, would reduce our affairs here to infinite distress.
I am also to request of you, that you will cause as soon as possible all the accounts of the clothing, arms, and other supplies to be liquidated and transmitted, so that they may be properly adjusted here; for at present, that business is in a state of extreme confusion.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XII Part 32
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