The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XII Part 39

Sir,

I am to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 7th of March and 27th of July. For both of them, accept my thanks. You express an apprehension lest the union between France and America should be diminished by accounts from your side of the water. This apprehension does you equal honor as a statesman and as a man.

Every principle, which ought to actuate the councils of a nation, requires from us an affectionate conduct towards France, and I very sincerely lament those misapprehensions, which have indisposed some worthy men towards that nation, whose treasure and blood have been so freely expended for us.

I believe the truth, with respect to some, to be this. A warm attachment to America has prevented them from making due allowances in those cases where their country was concerned. Under certain prepossessions it was natural for them to think, that the French Ministry might do more for us, and it was quite as natural for the Ministers to think, that we ought to have done more for ourselves. The moment of treaty with England was of course the moment of profession with English Ministers. I fear that the impressions made by these were for a little while rather more deep than was quite necessary. But the same love of America, which had raised such strong irritability where her interests were concerned, will of course stimulate it to an equal degree when those interests are a.s.sailed from another quarter. I think I may venture to a.s.sure you, that the esteem of this country for France is not diminished, and that the late representations have not been so unfavorable as you fear.

Our commerce is flowing very fast towards Great Britain, and that from causes which must forever influence the commercial part of society. Some articles are furnished by Britain cheaper, many as cheap, and all on a long credit. Her merchants are attentive and punctual. In her ports our vessels meet with despatch. I say nothing of language and manners, because I do not think their influence so strong on commerce as many people suppose, but what is of no little importance is, that the English having formed our taste, are more in a capacity to gratify that taste by the nature and fas.h.i.+on of their manufactures. There is another circ.u.mstance, also, which must not be forgotten. The great demand for French manufactures during the war increased the price of many, and some time will be required before it can, by a fair compet.i.tion, be discovered, which of the two countries, France or England, can supply us cheapest. The delays in the public bills is a further circ.u.mstance which militates (a momentary obstacle) against the trade with France.

I must, therefore, mention to you, also, a matter which is of great effect. Until we can navigate the Mediterranean in safety, we cannot trade in our own bottoms with the ports of France or Spain, which are on that sea. And we certainly will not trade there in foreign bottoms, because we do not find the same conveniences and advantage in so doing, as in our own vessels; unless, indeed, it be on board of English s.h.i.+ps. This may be a disagreeable fact, but it is not the less a fact.

I believe that informations are transmitted hence to the Court, which they ought not to rely on. Their servants doubtless do their duty in transmitting such information, but I am persuaded that they are themselves not well informed. Indeed it is quite natural, that men should mistake when they examine and treat of a subject with which they are unacquainted. And it cannot well be supposed, that political characters are competent to decide on the advantages and disadvantages of allowing to, or withholding from us, a share in the carrying trade. On this subject I will make a further observation, and you may rely on it, that I speak to you with candor and sincerity, not with a view to making any impressions on the Court. You may communicate or withhold what I say, and they may or may not, apply it to their own purposes. If anything will totally ruin the commerce of England with this country, it is her blind attachment to her navigation act. This act which never was the real foundation of her naval superiority, may and perhaps will be the cause of its destruction. If France possesses commercial wisdom, she will take care not to imitate the conduct of her rival.

The West India Islands can be supplied twenty per cent cheaper in American than in French or British bottoms. I will not trouble you with the reasons, but you may rely on the fact. The price of the produce of any country must materially depend on the cheapness of subsistence. The price at which that produce can be vended abroad must depend on the facility of conveyance. Now admitting for a moment (which by the by is not true) that France might, by something like a British navigation act, increase her s.h.i.+ps and her seamen; these things would necessarily follow. 1st. Her Islands would be less wealthy, and therefore less able to consume and pay for her manufactures. 2dly. The produce of those Islands would be less cheap, and therefore less able to sustain the weight of duties, and support a compet.i.tion in foreign markets. 3dly. The commerce with this country would be greatly lessened, because that every American s.h.i.+p, which finds herself in a French, English, or other port, will naturally seek a freight there, rather than go elsewhere to look for it; because in many commodities the difference of price in different parts will not compensate the time and cost of going from place to place to look after them. To these princ.i.p.al reasons might be added many others of less weight, though not of little influence, such as the probable increase of commercial intercourse, by increasing the connexions and acquaintances of individuals. To this and to everything else which can be said on the subject by an American, I know there is one short answer always ready, viz. that we seek to increase our own wealth. So far from denying that this is among my motives, I place it as the foremost, and setting aside that grat.i.tude which I feel for France, I do not scruple to declare, that a regard to the interests of America is, with respect to all nations of the world, my political compa.s.s. But the different nations of Europe should consider, that in proportion to the wealth of this country will be her ability to pay for those commodities, which all of them are pressing us to buy.

Our people still continue as remiss as ever in the payment of taxes. Much of this, as you justly observe, arises from the difficulties of collection. But those difficulties are much owing to an ignorance of proper modes, and an unwillingness to adopt them. In short, though all are content to acknowledge, that there is a certain burden of taxation which ought to be borne, yet each is desirous of s.h.i.+fting it from his own shoulders to those of his neighbors. Time will, I hope, produce a remedy to the evils under which we labor, but it may also increase them.

Your applications to the Court for aid are certainly well calculated to obtain it; but I am not much surprised at your ill success. Indeed I should have been much surprised if you had been more fortunate. Of all men I was placed in the situation to take the deepest concern in the event, but I cannot disapprove of the refusal, for we certainly ought to do more for ourselves before we ask the aid of others. Copies of your letters to the Court were laid before Congress, and also the copy of the new contract. I will enclose with this a further copy of the ratification of the old, if I can obtain it in season from Princeton, where the Congress now are.

I have written also on the subject of the debt due to the Farmers-General, and should Congress give me any orders about it, I shall attend carefully to the execution. The conduct they have maintained with regard to us has been generous, and will demand a return of grat.i.tude as well as of justice. This I hope my countrymen will always be disposed to pay. I shall take some proper opportunity of writing to the Farmers-General, but will wait a while to know what may be the determination of Congress on their affairs.

It gives me much pleasure to find, that by the proposed establishment of packets, we shall shortly be in a condition to maintain more regular and connected correspondence; for although I shall not myself be much longer in public office, I feel for those who are or will be charged with the affairs of our country, both at home and abroad. It will naturally occur, however, that a good cypher must be made use of not unfrequently, when despatches are trusted to foreigners. They have no regard either to propriety or even decency where letters are concerned.

With very sincere esteem and respect, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO ARTHUR LEE.

Office of Finance, October 4th, 1783.

Sir,

I have received your letter of the 26th of last month, desiring information as to the reality of a contract with, and instructions to Mr Deane. Enclosed you have a copy of the contract mentioned.

The instructions to Mr Deane are, I presume, in the Office of Foreign Affairs.

The facts under this contract are generally as follows, so far as my knowledge extends. Money was advanced to me, which I expended in s.h.i.+pment of cargoes from the Delaware and Chesapeake, and have long since accounted for. Money was also advanced to Messrs Lewis, Livingston and Alsop, and, I believe, expended by some or one of them in s.h.i.+pments from New York and Connecticut, but the accounts are not yet closed; which is one among many reasons why a commissioner should be appointed or authorised to settle the accounts of the secret and commercial committees.

Of the several s.h.i.+pments made, some arrived, some were taken, some were detained by the enemy's naval power. The risks becoming great, it was thought most adviseable to abandon the farther prosecution of the plan; which the parties to the contract, then in this country, cheerfully consented to, and it was determined that the proceeds of those s.h.i.+pments, which might have arrived, should be carried into the general public accounts. Mr Deane went to Europe under this contract; and being unable, from the remittances sent, to complete the intentions of his voyage, has, I believe, carried the amount of those remittances into his general accounts with the United States. These accounts are among those which Mr Barclay is appointed to settle, and I presume that no allowance will be made, such as claimed by Mr Deane, until he shall have produced the contract and instructions to which he refers for support of his claim; nor then, unless very completely supported or specially allowed by Congress.

I believe Mr Barclay is now employed in making that adjustment, and I suppose, that after he shall have gone through Mr Deane's accounts, admitted such charges as ought clearly to be admitted, and rejected such as ought clearly to be rejected, there will remain some articles on which he will apply to Congress for their special decision; in which case he will naturally transmit all the evidence which Mr Deane may have exhibited.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Office of Finance, October 15th, 1783.

Sir,

I had the honor to receive your Excellency's letter of the 11th instant. If a settlement of the accounts which arose before the commencement of my administration had depended on me, neither M.

Holker nor any other person should have had cause of complaint.

The perplexed situation of those accounts rendered it necessary for Congress to submit them to the investigation of special commissioners, who have but lately commenced their operations. I shall immediately transmit a copy of your Excellency's letter to the gentleman who may be charged with those accounts in which M.

Holker is concerned, and request his attention to the subject.

That any person should suppose the apprehension of being taxed with favor to an individual, would induce me to delay the justice due alike to all, is so extraordinary, that your Excellency must permit me to express my surprise at meeting the idea in a letter from the King's Minister.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO MESSRS WILLINK & CO.

Office of Finance, October 23d, 1783.

Gentlemen,

Upon taking a view of my various engagements for the public service, and considering the great antic.i.p.ations, which have been made at the period when our brave army quitted the field, it has appeared to me, that the sum of about three hundred thousand dollars would be necessary for me over and above the probable produce of our taxes, to clear off all those engagements, and enable me to lay down the burdens of official life in a consistent and proper manner, should the situation of public affairs then admit of it. This circ.u.mstance, however nearly it interests my personal feelings, is still more interesting to my country; because a regular and punctual performance of engagements, while it establishes confidence, ensures the means of future punctuality.

Revolving much on this subject in my own mind, I have been led to consider also, that the present rate of exchange, which is very favorable, may not continue when tobacco, rice, indigo, and the other produce of the southern States shall be freely exported in remittances to Europe. And if the exchange should lower, there will be a loss on the bills of the United States, which I would always wish to prevent. Besides this there is another important circ.u.mstance, which is, that if the drafts are suspended until notice of the success of your loan, so as to lodge the money, the public will be paying interest, both here and in Europe for the same sum; which ought, you know, as much as possible to be avoided.

Under these different impressions, the natural conduct would have been, to vend my bills very boldly, and trust to the success of those exertions, which you will undoubtedly make. But here it was proper to consider, that if unforeseen circ.u.mstances should in any manner have put a check upon your operations, the consequence might have been a very great inconvenience, and perhaps injury to you, which I would always wish to avoid, together with a loss of credit, coupled with the payment of heavy damages to the United States.

I have therefore adopted a middle line of conduct, which will combine the advantages and avoid the inconveniences, both of delay and of precipitation. I have drawn three sets of exchange, all dated on the 21st instant, (the time when they were drawn) and each for two hundred and fifty thousand current guilders, payable at one hundred and fifty days' sight. These bills are numbered one hundred and ninetyone, one hundred and ninetytwo, and one hundred and ninetythree; the first in favor of John Ross, the second in favor of Peter Whiteside & Co., and the third in favor of Isaac Hazelhurst. All these are solid houses, upon whose fidelity and punctuality I can place equal dependence. I have taken from them proper stipulations to pay at the end of one hundred and twenty days, each one hundred thousand dollars; by which means I have secured the immediate vent of that sum at the very highest exchange. And it is further agreed between us, that in case of protest, (which G.o.d forbid should happen) the public shall not be charged with damages; the necessary consequence of which is, that the bills will not be negotiated further than to place the amount in the hands of their friends, which is indeed fully understood between us. You will see also, that in this mode I shall bring to the public use here (allowing about two months for the bills to be presented) the sum of three hundred thousand dollars, near three months before it is paid by you.

From this explanation, which I have entered into in order to show you the full grounds of my procedure, because I knew how much more satisfactorily business is conducted when all circ.u.mstances are known, you will perceive that my bills already advised of, are first to meet due honor, and consequently funds set apart for their absolvement. These three new bills then come in their course, and I must entreat you, Gentlemen, to honor them also, even if you have not the funds, provided a view of fair prospects can render it at all consistent with that prudence, which must doubtlessly influence you in such important concerns. I must also request, that you will give me, by various conveyances, the most immediate notice of your acceptance, because I shall from that moment be able, by discount, to bring the securities given by those gentlemen into operation.

I am, Sir, with perfect respect, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO THE FARMERS-GENERAL OF FRANCE.

Office of Finance, November 4th, 1783.

Gentlemen,

The Honorable Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Court of Versailles, having done me the honor to transmit a copy of your letter to him of the 17th of July last, I took the earliest opportunity after the receipt of it, to submit that business to the consideration of Congress; who by their Act of the 1st instant, whereof a copy is enclosed, have instructed me to inform you, that Congress are sensible of your generous attention to the circ.u.mstances of the war, in which these United States have been so long engaged, and which, interrupting their commerce, deprived them of the means of seasonable remittances to satisfy the balance so justly due on the loan made by you.