The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume III Part 40

I have received your respective letters of January 26th and February 13th. The first was accompanied with a form of a convention for the establishment of consuls. Mr Barclay having been detained these six months in Holland, though in continual expectation of returning hither, I have yet done nothing in that business, thinking his presence might be of use in settling it. As soon as he arrives I shall move the completion of it.

The second enforces some resolutions of Congress, sent me with it, respecting a loan of 12,000,000 of livres, to be demanded of France for the current year. I had already received the promise of six millions, together with the clearest and most positive a.s.surances, that it was all the King could spare to us, that we must not expect more, that if drafts and demands came upon me beyond that sum, it behoved me to take care how I accepted them, or where I should find funds for the payment, since I could certainly not be further a.s.sisted out of the royal treasury. Under this declaration, with what face could I ask for another six millions? It would be saying, you are not to be believed, you can spare more; you are able to lend me twice the sum if you were but willing. If you read my letter to Mr Morris of this date, I think you will be convinced how improper any language, capable of such a construction, would be to such a friend. I hope, however, that the loan Mr Adams has opened in Holland for three millions of florins, which it is said is likely to succeed, will supply the deficiency.

By the newspapers I have sent you will see, that the general disposition of the British nation towards us had been changed. Two persons have been sent here by the new ministers, to propose treating for peace. They had at first some hopes of getting the belligerent powers to treat separately, one after another, but finding that impracticable, they have, after several messengers sent to and fro, come to a resolution of treating with all together for a general peace, and have agreed, that the place shall be Paris. Mr Grenville is now here with full powers for that purpose, (if they can be reckoned full with regard to America, till a certain act is completed for enabling his Majesty to treat, &c, which has gone through the Commons, and has been once read in the House of Lords.) I keep a very particular journal of what pa.s.ses every day in the affair, which is transcribing to be sent to you. I shall, therefore, need to say no more about it in this letter, except, that though I still think they were sincere at first in their desire of peace, yet since their success in the West Indies, I imagine, that I see marks of their desiring rather to draw the negotiations into length, that they may take the chance of what the campaign shall produce in their favor, and as there are so many interests to adjust, if will be prudent for us to suppose, that even another campaign may pa.s.s before all can be agreed. Something too may happen to break off the negotiations, and we should be prepared for the worst.

I hoped for the a.s.sistance of Mr Adams and Mr Laurens. The first is too much engaged in Holland to come hither, and the other declines serving; but I have now the satisfaction of being joined by Mr Jay, who happily arrived here from Madrid last Sunday. The Marquis de Lafayette is of great use in our affairs here, and as the campaign is not likely to be very active in North America, I wish I may be able to prevail with him to stay a few weeks longer. By him you will receive the journal abovementioned, which is already pretty voluminous, and yet the negotiations cannot be said to be opened.

Ireland you will see has obtained all her demands triumphantly. I meet no one from that country, who does not express some obligations to America for their success.

Before I received your just observations on the subject, I had obtained from the English Ministers a resolution to exchange all our prisoners. They thought themselves obliged to have an act of Parliament about it for authorising the King to do it, this war being different from others, as made by an act of Parliament declaring us rebels, and our people being committed for high treason. I empowered Mr Hodgson, who was chairman of the committee, that collected and dispensed the charitable subscriptions for the American prisoners, to treat and conclude on the terms of their discharge, and having approved of the draft he sent me of the agreement, I hope Congress will see fit to order a punctual execution of it. I have long suffered with those poor brave men, who with so much public virtue have endured four or five years hard imprisonment, rather than serve against their country. I have done all I could afford towards making their situation more comfortable; but their numbers were so great, that I could do but little for each, and that very great villain, Digges, defrauded them of between three and four hundred pounds, which he drew from me on their account. He lately wrote me a letter, in which he pretended he was coming to settle with me, and to convince me, that I had been mistaken with regard to his conduct; but he never appeared, and I hear he is gone to America. Beware of him, for he is very artful, and has cheated many. I hear every day of new rogueries committed by him in England.

The Amba.s.sador from Sweden to this Court applied to me lately to know, if I had powers that would authorise my making a treaty with his master in behalf of the United States. Recollecting a general power, that was formerly given to me with the other Commissioners, I answered in the affirmative. He seemed much pleased, and said the King had directed him to ask the question, and charged him to tell me that he had so great esteem for me, that it would be a particular satisfaction to him to have such a transaction with me. I have perhaps some vanity in repeating this; but I think too, that it is right that Congress should know it, and judge if any use may be made of the reputation of a citizen for the public service. In case it should be thought fit to employ me in that business, it will be well to send a more particular power, and proper instructions. The Amba.s.sador added, that it was a pleasure to him to think, and he hoped it would be remembered, that Sweden was the first power in Europe, which had voluntarily offered its friends.h.i.+p to the United States without being solicited. This affair should be talked of as little as possible till completed.

I enclose another complaint from Denmark, which I request you will lay before Congress. I am continually pestered with complaints from French seamen, who were with Captain Cunningham in his first cruise from Dunkirk; from others who were in the Lexington, the Alliance, &c.

being put on board prizes that were retaken, were never afterwards able to join their respective s.h.i.+ps, and so have been deprived of the wages, &c. due to them. It is for our national honor, that justice should be done them if possible; and I wish you to procure an order of Congress for inquiring into their demands, and satisfying such as shall be found just. It may be addressed to the Consul.

I enclose a note from M. de Vergennes to me, accompanied by a memoir relating to a Swiss, who died at Edenton. If you can procure the information desired, it will much oblige the French Amba.s.sador in Switzerland.

I have made the addition you directed to the cypher. I rather prefer the old one of Dumas, perhaps because I am more used to it. I enclose several letters from that ancient and worthy friend of our country. He is now employed as secretary to Mr Adams, and I must, from a long experience of his zeal and usefulness, beg leave to recommend him warmly to the consideration of Congress, with regard to his appointments, which have never been equal to his merit. As Mr Adams writes me the good news, that he shall no longer be obliged to draw on me for his salary, I suppose it will be proper to direct his paying that which shall be allowed to M. Dumas.

Be pleased to present my duty to the Congress, and believe me to be, with great esteem and regard,

B. FRANKLIN.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Pa.s.sy, June 29th, 1782.

Sir,

In mine of the 25th instant, I omitted mentioning, that at the repeated earnest instances of Mr Laurens, who had given such expectations to the Ministry in England, when his parole or securities were discharged, as that he could not think himself at liberty to act in public affairs, till the parole of Lord Cornwallis was absolved by me in exchange, I sent to that General the paper of which the enclosed is a copy;[35] and I see by the English papers, that his Lords.h.i.+p immediately on the receipt of it appeared at Court, and has taken his seat in the House of Peers, which he did not before think was warrantable. My authority for doing this appeared questionable to myself, but Mr Laurens judged it deducible from that respecting General Burgoyne, and, by his letters to me, seemed so unhappy till it was done, that I ventured it, with a clause, however, as you will see, reserving to Congress the approbation or disallowance of it.

[35] See above, p. 362.

The enabling act is now said to be pa.s.sed, but no copy of it is yet received here, so that as the bill first printed has suffered alterations in pa.s.sing through Parliament, and we know not what they are, the treaty with us is not yet commenced. Mr Grenville expects his courier in a few days, with the answer of his Court to a paper given him on the part of this. That answer will probably afford us a clearer understanding of the intentions of the British Ministry, which for some weeks past have appeared somewhat equivocal and uncertain. It looks as if, since their late success in the West Indies, they a little repented of the advances they had made in their declarations, respecting the acknowledgment of our independence; and we have pretty good information, that some of the Ministers still flatter the King with the hope of recovering his sovereignty over us, on the same terms as are now making with Ireland. However willing we might have been at the commencement of this contest to have accepted such conditions, be a.s.sured we can have no safety in them at present. The King hates us most cordially. If he is once admitted to any degree of power and government among us, however limited, it will soon be extended by corruption, artifice, and force, till we are reduced to absolute subjection, and that the more easily, as, by receiving him again for our King, we shall draw upon us the contempt of all Europe, who now admire and respect us, and shall never again find a friend to a.s.sist us. There are, it is said, great divisions in the Ministry on other points as well as this, and those who aim at engrossing the power, flatter the King with this project of reunion, and, it is said, have much reliance on the operations of private agents sent into America to dispose minds there in favor of it, and to bring about a separate treaty there with General Carleton. I have not the least apprehension, that Congress will give into this scheme, it being inconsistent with our treaties, as well as with our interest; but I think it will be well to watch the emissaries, and secure, or banish immediately, such as shall be found tampering and stirring up the people to call for it.

The firm united resolution of France, Spain, and Holland joined with ours, not to treat of a particular, but a general peace, notwithstanding the separate tempting offers to each, will in the end give us the command of that peace. Every one of the other powers see clearly its interest in this, and persists in that resolution. The Congress I am persuaded are as clear sighted as any of them, and will not depart from the system, which has been attended with so much success, and promises to make America soon both great and happy.

I have just received a letter from Mr Laurens, dated at Lyons, on his journey into the south of France for his health. Mr Jay will write also by this opportunity.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

JOURNAL

OF THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN

FROM MARCH 21ST TO JULY 1ST, 1782.

Pa.s.sy May 9th, 1782.

As since the change of the Ministry of England, some serious professions have been made of their disposition to peace, and of their readiness to enter into a general treaty for that purpose; and as the concerns and claims of five nations are to be discussed in that treaty, which must therefore be interesting to the present age, and to posterity, I am inclined to keep a journal of the proceedings as far as they come to my knowledge, and to make it more complete, I will first endeavor to recollect what has already past. Great affairs sometimes take their rise from small circ.u.mstances. My good friend and neighbor Madame Brillon, being at Nice all last winter for her health, with her very amiable family, wrote to me that she had met with some English gentry there, whose acquaintance proved agreeable; among them she named Lord Cholmondely, who she said had promised to call in his return to England, and drink tea with us at Pa.s.sy. He left Nice sooner than she supposed, and came to Paris long before her. On the 21st of March, I received the following note.

"Lord Cholmondely's compliments to Dr Franklin; he sets out for London tomorrow evening, and should be glad to see him for five minutes before he went. Lord Cholmondely will call upon him at any time in the morning he shall please to appoint.

Thursday evening. Hotel de Chartres."

I wrote for answer, that I should be at home all the next morning, and glad to see his Lords.h.i.+p if he did me the honor of calling on me. He came accordingly. I had before no personal knowledge of this n.o.bleman.

We talked of our friends whom he left at Nice, then of affairs in England, and the late resolutions of the Commons on Mr Conway's motion. He told me that he knew Lord Shelburne had a great regard for me, that he was sure his Lords.h.i.+p would be pleased to hear from me, and that if I would write a line he should have a pleasure in carrying it. On which I wrote the following.

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

Pa.s.sy, March 22d, 1782.

"My Lord,

"Lord Cholmondely having kindly offered to take a letter from me to your Lords.h.i.+p, I embrace the opportunity of a.s.suring the continuance of my ancient respect for your talents and virtues, and of congratulating you on the returning good disposition of your country in favor of America, which appears in the late resolutions of the Commons. I am persuaded it will have good effects. I hope it will tend to produce a _general peace_, which I am sure your Lords.h.i.+p, with all good men, desires, which I wish to see before I die, and to which I shall, with infinite pleasure, contribute everything in my power.

"Your friends, the Abbe Morellet and Madame Helvetius, are well. You have made the latter very happy by your present of gooseberry bushes, which arrived in five days, and in excellent order. With great and sincere esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

B. FRANKLIN."

Soon after this we heard from England, that a total change had taken place in the Ministry, and that Lord Shelburne had come in as Secretary of State. But I thought no more of my letter, till an old friend and near neighbor of mine many years in London appeared at Pa.s.sy, and introduced a Mr Oswald, whom he said had a great desire to see me, and Mr Oswald, after some little conversation, gave me the following letters from Lord Shelburne and Mr Laurens.

LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.

London, April 6th, 1782.

"Dear Sir,

"I have been favored with your letter, and am much obliged by your remembrance. I find myself returned early to the same situation, which you remember me to have occupied nineteen years ago, and I should be very glad to talk to you as I did then, and afterwards in 1767, upon the means of promoting the happiness of mankind, a subject much more agreeable to my nature, than the best concerted plans for spreading misery and devastation. I have had a high opinion of the compa.s.s of your mind, and of your foresight. I have often been beholden to both, and shall be glad to be so again, as far as is compatible with your situation. Your letter discovering the same disposition, has made me send to you Mr Oswald. I have had a longer acquaintance with him, than even I have had the pleasure to have with you. I believe him an honest man, and, after consulting some of our common friends, I have thought him the fittest for the purpose. He is a pacifical man, and conversant in those negotiations, which are most interesting to mankind. This has made me prefer him to any of our speculative friends, or to any person of higher rank. He is fully apprized of my mind, and you may give full credit to everything he a.s.sures you of. At the same time, if any other channel occurs to you, I am ready to embrace it. I wish to retain the same simplicity and good faith, which subsisted between us in transactions of less importance. I have the honor to be, &c.

SHELBURNE."