History of The Reign of Philip The Second King of Spain History of the Reign of Philip the Second, King of Spain Part 88

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muchos anos de vida y qu edespues tenga tal sucesor que sepa seguir sus pisadas." Carta de Zuniga, Junio 25, 1568, MS.

[1475] Leti has been more fortunate in discovering a letter from Don Carlos to Count Egmont, found among the papers of that n.o.bleman at the time of his arrest. (Vita di Filippo II. tom. I. p. 543.) The historian is too discreet to vouch for the authenticity of the doc.u.ment, which indeed would require a better voucher than Leti to obtain our confidence.

[1476] De Castro labors hard to prove that Don Carlos was a Protestant.

If he fails to establish the fact, he must be allowed to have shown that the prince's conduct was such as to suggest great doubts of his orthodoxy, among those who approached the nearest to him. See Historia de los Protestantes Espanoles, p. 319 et seq.

[1477] "Sua Maesta ha dato ordine, che nelle lettere, che si scrivono a tutti li Prencipi et Regni, si dica, che la voce ch'e uscita ch 'l Prencipe havesse cercato di offendere la Real persona sua propria e falsa, et questo medesimo fa dire a bocea da Ruy Gomez all'Imbasciatori." Lettera del Nunzio Gennaio 27, 1568, MS.

[1478] "Si tien per fermo che privaranno il Prencipe della successione, et non lo liberaranno mai." Lettera del Nunzio, Febraio 14, 1568, MS.

[1479] "Para reza.r.s.e le diesen las Oras, Breviario i Rosario que pidiese, i libros solamente de buena dotrina i devocion, si quisiese leer y oir." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, b. VII. cap. 22.

[1480] The _montero_ was one of the body-guard of the king for the night. The right of filling this corps was an ancient privilege accorded to the inhabitants of a certain district named Espinosa de los Monteros.

Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition, tom. III. p. 163.

[1481] The regulations are given _in extenso_ by Cabrera, (Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap. 22,) and the rigor with which they were enforced is attested by the concurrent reports of the foreign ministers at the court. In one respect, however, they seem to have been relaxed, if, as n.o.bili states, the prince was allowed to recreate himself with the perusal of Spanish law-books, which he may have consulted with reference to his own case. "Ha domandato, che li siano letti li statuti, et le leggi di Spagna: ne'quali spende molto studio. Scrive a.s.sai di sua mano, et subito scritto lo straccia." Lettera di n.o.bili, Giugno 8, 1568, MS.

[1482] "Per questa causa dunque il Re et Regina vechia di quel regno hanno mandato qui un ambasciatore a far offltio col Re cattolico per il Prencipe, dolersi del caso, offerirsi di venire la Regina propria a governarlo como madre." Lettera del Nunzio, Marzo 2, 1568, MS.

[1483] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. II. p. 141.

[1484] Ibid., pp. 146-148.

[1485] "Reyna y Princesa lloran: Don Juan va cada noche a Palacio, y una fue muy llano, como de luto, y el Rey le rinio, y mando no andubiesse de aquel modo, sino como solia de antes." Relacion del Ayuda de Camara, MS.

[1486] "Sua Maesta ha fatto intendere a tutte le citta del Reyno, che non mandino huomini o imbasciator nessuno, ne per dolersi, ne per cerimonia, ne per altro; et pare che habbia a caro, che nessuno glie ne parli, et cos ogn'huomo tace." Lettera del Nunzio, Febraio 14, 1568, MS.

[1487] Letter of Fourquevaulx, April 13, 1568. ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. II. p. 143.

A letter of condolence from the munic.i.p.ality of Murcia was conceived in such a loyal and politic vein as was altogether unexceptionable. "We cannot reflect," it says, "without emotion, on our good fortune in having a sovereign so just, and so devoted to the weal of his subjects, as to sacrifice to this every other consideration, even the tender attachment which he has for his own offspring." This, which might seem irony to some, was received by the king, as it was doubtless intended, in perfect good faith. His indors.e.m.e.nt, in his own handwriting, on the cover, shows the style in which he liked to be approached by his loving subjects. "This letter is written with prudence and discretion."--A translation of the letter, dated February 16, 1568, is in Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition, tom. III. p. 161.

[1488] Letter of Fourquevaulx, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.

[1489] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1490] "Quella per il Re conteneva specificatamente molti agravii, che in molti anni pretendi, che li siano statti fatti da Sua Maesta, et diceva ch'egli se n'andava fuori delli suoi Regni per no poter sopportare tanti agravii, che li faceva." Lettera del Nunzio, Marzo 2, 1568, MS.

[1491] Ibid.

[1492] "Vi e ancora una lista, dove scriveva di sua mano gli amici, et li nemici suoi, li quali diceva hi havere a perseguitare sempre fino alla morte, tra li quali il primo era scritto il Re suo padre, di poi Rui Gomez et la moglie, il Presidente, il Duca d'Alba, et certi altri."

Lettera del Nunzio, Marzo 2, 1568, MS.

[1493] "No salio el Rey de Madrid, ni aun a Aranjuez, ni a San Lorenco a ver su fabrica, tan atento al negocio del Principe estaba, i sospechoso a las murmuraciones de sus pueblos fieles i reverentes, que ruidos estraordinarios en su Palacio le hazian mirar, si eran tumultos para sacar a su Alteza de su camara." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VIII.

cap. 5.

[1494] "Onde fu chiamato il confessore et il medico, ma egli seguitando nella sua disperatione non volse ascoltare ne l'unno ne l'altro."

Lettera del Nunzio, MS.

My copy of this letter, perhaps through the inadvertence of the transcriber, is without date.

[1495] "Ne volendo in alcun modo curare ne il corpo ne l'anima, la quai cosa faceva stare il Re et gli altri con molto dispiacere, vedendoli ma.s.sima di continuo crescere il male, et mancar la virtu." Ibid.

[1496] "Vea V. A. que haran y diran todos quando se entienda que no se confiesa, y se vayan descubriendo otras cosas terribles, que le son tanto, que llegan a que el Santo Oficio tuviera mucha entrada en otro para saber si era cristiano o no." Carta de Hernan Suarez de Toledo al Principe, Marzo 18, 1568, MS.

[1497] "Spogliarsi nudo, et solo con una robba di taffeta su le carni star quasi di continuo ad una finestra, dove tirava vento, caminare con li piedi discalzi per la camara que tuttavia faceva stare adacquata tanto che sempre ci era l'acqua per tutto." Lettera del Nunzio, MS.

[1498] "Farsi raffredare ogni notte due o tre volti il letto con uno scaldaletto pieno di neve, et tenerlo le notte intiere nel letto." Ibid.

[1499] Three days, according to one authority. (Lettera di n.o.bili di 30 di Luglio, 1568, MS.) Another swells the number to nine days (Carta de Gomez Manrique, MS.); and a third--one of Philip's cabinet ministers--has the a.s.surance to prolong the prince's fast to eleven days, in which he allows him, however, an unlimited quant.i.ty of cold water. "Ansi se determino de no comer y en esta determinacion pa.s.saron onze dias sin que bastasen persuasiones ni otras diligencias a que tomase cosa bevida ni que fuese para salud sino aqua fria." Carta de Francisco de Era.s.so, MS.

[1500] "Doppo essere stato tre giorni senza mangiare molto fantastico et bizzaro mangi un pasticcio fredolo di quatri perdici con tutta la pasta: et il medesimo giorno bevve trecento once d'aqqua fredda."

Lettera di n.o.bili, Luglio 30 1568, MS.

Yet Carlos might have found warrant for his proceedings, in regard to the use of snow and iced water, in the prescriptions of more than one doctor of his time. De Castro--who displays much ingenuity, and a careful study of authorities, in his discussion of this portion of Philip's history--quotes the writings of two of these worthies, one of whom tells us, that the use of snow had increased to such an extent, that not only was it recommended to patients in their drink, but also to cool their sheets; and he forthwith prescribes a warming-pan, to be used in the same way as it was by Carlos. Historia de los Protestantes Espanoles, p. 370.

[1501] "Visitabale el Doctor Olivares Protomedico i salia a consultar con sus conpaneros en presencia de Rui Gomez de Silva la curacion, curso i accidentes de la enfermedad." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VII. cap.

22.

[1502] "Mostrando molta contritione, et se bene si la.s.sava curare il corpo per non causarsi egli stesso la morte, mostrava pero tanto disprezzo delle cose del mondo, et tanto desiderio delle celesti; che pareva veramente che Nostro Signore Dio gli havesse riserbato il c.u.mulo di tutti le gratie a quel ponto." Lettera del Nunzio, MS.

[1503] "Tanto hanno da durare le mie miserie." Ibid.

[1504] "And so," says Cabrera, somewhat bluntly, "the king withdrew to his apartment with more sorrow in his heart, and less care."--"Algunas oras antes de su fallecimiento, por entre los...o...b..os del Prior don Antonio i de Rui Gomez le ech su benedicion, i se recogi en su camara co mas dolor i menos cuidado." Filipe Segundo, lib. VIII. cap. 5.

[1505] "Il Re non l'ha visitato, ne la.s.sato che la Regina ne la Principessa lo veggiano, forse considerando che poi che gia si conosceva disperato il caso suo, queste visite simili poterono piu presto conturbare l'una at l'altra delle parti, che aiutarli in cosa nessuna."

Lettera del Nunzio, MS.

[1506] "Il Prencipe di Spagna avante la morte diceva, che perdoneva a tutti, et nominatamenta al Padre, che l'haveva carcerato, et a Ruy Gomez, cardinal Presidente Dottor Velasco, et altri, per lo consiglio de'quali credeva essere stato preso." Lettera del Nunzio, Luglio 28, 1568, MS.

[1507] "Et battendosi il petto come poteva, essendoli mancata la virtu a poco a poco, ritirandosi la vita quasi da membro in membro espir con molta tranquilita et constanza." Lettera del Nunzio, MS.

[1508] "Et testificono quelli, che vi si trovorno che Christiano nessuno pu morir piu cattolicamente, ne in maggior sentimento di lui." Lettera di n.o.bili, Luglio 30, 1568, MS.

[1509] See, among others, Quintana, Historia de la Antiguedad n.o.bleza y Grandeza de la Villa y Corte de Madrid, (1629,) fol. 368; Colmenares, Historia de la Insigne Ciudad de Segovia, (Madrid, 1640,) cap. 43; Pinelo, a.n.a.les de Madrid, MS.; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. VIII. cap.

5; Herrera, Historia General, lib. XV. cap. 3; Carta de Francisco de Era.s.so, MS.; Carta de Gomez Manrique, MS.

[1510] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 147.

Von Raumer has devoted some fifty pages of his fragmentary compilation to the story of Don Carlos, and more especially to the closing scenes of his life. The sources are of the most unexceptionable kind, being chiefly the correspondence of the French ministers with their court, existing among the MSS. in the Royal Library at Paris. The selections made are pertinent in their character, and will be found of the greatest importance to ill.u.s.trate this dark pa.s.sage in the history of the time.

If I have not arrived at the same conclusions in all respects as those of the ill.u.s.trious German scholar, it may be that my judgment has been modified by the wider range of materials at my command.

[1511] Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition, tom. III. p. 171 et seq.

[1512] "Quoique ces doc.u.mens ne soient pas authentiques, ils meritent qu'on y ajoute foi, en ce qu'ils sont de certaines personnes employees dans le palais du roi." Ibid., p. 171.

[1513] Thus, for example, he makes the contradictory statements, at the distance of four pages from each other, that the prince did, and that he did not, confide to Don John his desire to kill his father (pp. 148, 152). The fact is, that Llorente in a manner pledged himself to solve the mystery of the prince's death, by announcing to his readers, at the outset, that "he believed he had discovered the truth." One fact he must be allowed to have established,--one which, as secretary to the Inquisition, he had the means of verifying,--namely, that no process was ever inst.i.tuted against Carlos by the Holy Office. This was to overturn a vulgar error, on which more than one writer of fiction has built his story.

[1514] "Le cicalerie, et novellacce, che si dicono, sono molto indigne d'essere ascoltate, non che scritte, perche in vero il satisfar al popolaccio in queste simil cose e molto difficile; et meglio e farle, siccome porta il giusto et l'honesto senza curarsi del giudicio d'huomini insani, et che parlono senza ragione di cose impertinenti et impossibili di autori incerti, dappochi, et maligni." Lettera di n.o.bili, Luglio 30 1568, MS.

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