The United States and Latin America Part 13

[155] "Collected Correspondence," p. 102.

[156] _Ibid._, p. 234, also Wharton's Digest, Vol. II, p. 190.

[157] "Collected Correspondence," p. 248.

[158] "Collected Correspondence," p. 286.

[159] _Ibid._, p. 262-263.

[160] _Ibid._, p. 276.

[161] "Collected Correspondence," p. 280.

[162] _Ibid._, pp. 294-302.

[163] "Messages and Papers of the Presidents," Vol. V, p. 639.

[164] "Collected Correspondence," p. 303.

[165] "Collected Correspondence," p. 132.

[166] _Ibid._, pp. 310-12.

[167] "Messages and Papers of the Presidents," Vol. VII, p. 585.

[168] "Collected Correspondence," p. 313.

[169] "Messages and Papers of the Presidents," Vol. VIII, p. 11.

[170] "Collected Correspondence," pp. 322-326.

[171] _Ibid._, p. 326.

[172] "Collected Correspondence," pp. 327-332.

[173] "Collected Correspondence," pp. 340-352.

[174] "Collected Correspondence," pp. 160-161.

[175] "Collected Correspondence," pp. 353-359.

[176] _Ibid._, p. 364.

[177] "Messages and Papers of the Presidents," Vol. VIII, p. 327.

[178] See Mr. Bayard to Mr. Phelps, Nov. 23, 1888. For. Rel., 1888, Pt.

I, pp. 759-768.

[179] For. Rel., 1889, p. 468.

[180] See Foreign Relations, 1894, App. 1. "Affairs at Bluefields," pp.

234-363.

[181] Senate Doc. No. 160, Fifty-sixth Cong., First Sess.

[182] Moore, "Digest of Int. Law," Vol. III, p. 211.

[183] Foreign Relations, 1901, p. 245.

[184] Johnson, "Four Centuries of the Panama Ca.n.a.l," Chap. VIII.

[185] Report of the Isthmian Ca.n.a.l Commission (Sen. Doc. No. 54, Fifty-seventh Cong., First Sess.).

[186] U. S. Statutes at Large, Vol. x.x.xII, Pt. I, p. 481.

[187] Senate Doc. No. 51, Fifty-eighth Cong., Second Sess., p. 56.

[188] Johnson, "Four Centuries of the Panama Ca.n.a.l," pp. 162-171.

[189] Senate Doc. No. 53, Fifty-eighth Cong., Second Sess.

[190] House Doc. No. 8, Fifty-eighth Cong., First Sess.

[191] _Literary Digest_, October 29, 1904.

[192] Foreign Relations, 1904, p. 543.

CHAPTER V

FRENCH INTERVENTION IN MEXICO

The attempt of Louis Napoleon to establish a European monarchy in Mexico under the tutelage of France was the most serious menace that republican inst.i.tutions in the new world have had to face since the schemes of the Holy Alliance were checked by Monroe and Canning. The thwarting of that attempt may be accounted one of the greatest triumphs of American diplomacy. The internal disorders common to South and Central American republics have always been a fruitful source of embarra.s.sment to the United States, on account of the liability to European intervention to which these governments continually subject themselves in such periods by their open and flagrant disregard of international obligations. Of no country is this statement truer than of Mexico, where the well-nigh interminable strife of parties gave rise between the years 1821 and 1857 to thirty-six different governments. In 1857 a favorable change occurred in the affairs of the republic. A const.i.tuent congress, elected by the people of the different states, framed and adopted a republican const.i.tution which promised better things for the future. Under the provisions of this const.i.tution an election was held in July (1857) and General Comonfort chosen president almost without opposition. His term of office was to begin December 1, 1857, and to continue four years.

Within one brief month, however, President Comonfort was driven from the capital, and ultimately from the country, by an uprising headed by General Zuloaga. As soon as Comonfort abandoned the presidency, General Benito Juarez, the president of the Supreme Court of Justice, became according to the const.i.tution, the president _de jure_ of the republic for the remainder of the unexpired term, that is, until December 1, 1861. General Zuloaga had, however, a.s.sumed the name of president, with indefinite powers, and the entire diplomatic corps, including the minister of the United States, had recognized his government. But Zuloaga was speedily expelled, and the supreme power seized by General Miramon, the head of the church party, whom the diplomatic corps likewise recognized. Meanwhile Juarez, the const.i.tutional president, had proceeded to Vera Cruz, where he put his administration into successful operation.

For several months, Mr. John Forsyth, the American minister, continued at the city of Mexico in the discharge of his duties. In June, 1858, however, he suspended his diplomatic connection with the Miramon government. Our relations, which had been bad under former governments, were now rendered almost intolerable under that of Miramon by outrages towards American citizens and personal indignities to Mr. Forsyth himself. His action was approved by President Buchanan, and he was directed to return to the United States. All diplomatic intercourse was thus terminated with the government of Miramon, but as yet none was established with the Juarez government. The ultimate success of the latter became, however, so probable that the following year the President sent a confidential agent to Mexico to inquire into and report upon the actual condition of the belligerents, and in consequence of his report, Mr. Robert M. McLane was dispatched to Mexico, March 8, 1859, "with discretionary authority to recognize the government of President Juarez, if on his arrival in Mexico he should find it ent.i.tled to such recognition according to the established practice of the United States." On the 7th of April, Mr. McLane presented his credentials to President Juarez, having no hesitation, he said, "in p.r.o.nouncing the government of Juarez to be the only existing government of the republic." He was cordially received by the authorities at Vera Cruz, and during all the vicissitudes of the next eight years the United States government continued to extend its sympathy and moral support to the government of Juarez as the only one ent.i.tled to the allegiance of the people of Mexico.

Juarez thus came forward, in the role of reformer, as the champion of const.i.tutionalism and the supremacy of the state against the overreaching power, influence, and wealth of the church party. He was a full-blooded Indian, without the slightest admixture of Spanish blood.

In December, 1860, he finally succeeded in overthrowing the party of Miramon and driving the latter into exile. Immediately, on reoccupying the city of Mexico, the Const.i.tutionalists proceeded to execute with severity the decree issued at Vera Cruz nationalizing or sequestrating the property of the church.

The most difficult question which the new government had to face was that of international obligations recklessly contracted by the various revolutionary leaders who had successively been recognized as const.i.tuting the government of Mexico. In consequence of debts contracted and outrages and enormities perpetrated, for the most part during the regime of Miramon and the church party, the governments of England, France, and Spain determined to intervene in Mexico.

The grievances of the British government were based on the following facts: non-settlement of claims of British bondholders; the murder of the British vice-consul at Tasco; the breaking into the British legation and the carrying off 152,000 in bonds belonging to British subjects, besides numerous other outrages committed on the persons and property of individuals.[193]

The claims of the British bondholders referred to had been recognized by the Pakenham convention of October 15, 1842, and formed into a consolidated fund of $250,000, which was to be paid off, princ.i.p.al and interest, by a percentage on import duties at the custom-houses of Vera Cruz and Tampico. This convention was not carried out by the Mexican government, and on December 4, 1851, Mr. Doyle signed on behalf of Great Britain a new convention, in which not only the claims under the Pakenham convention, but others, recognized by both governments, were likewise formed into a consolidated fund, on which the Mexican government bound itself to pay five per cent. as a sinking fund and three per cent. as interest until the debt should be paid off. This five and three per cent. were to be met by a percentage of customs receipts.

In 1857 the sinking fund was to be raised to six per cent. and the interest to four per cent.