A History of The Inquisition of The Middle Ages Volume III Part 47

[271] Villani, Cron. VIII. 92.--Amalr. Augerii Vit. Clem. V. (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 443-44).--S. Antonini Hist. (D'Argentre I. I. 281).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12. The best-informed contemporaries, Bernard Gui, the Continuation of Nangis, Jean de S. Victor, the Grandes Chroniques, say nothing about this story.

[272] Regle et Statuts secrets, --81, p. 314; --124, p. 448.--Wilkins Concilia II. 338.--Proces des Templiers, I. 186-7, 454; II. 139, 153, 195-6, 223, 440, 445, 471.--S. Damiani Lib. Gomorrhian.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1120.--Alani de Insulis Lib. de Planctu Naturae.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium I. xxiv.--Prediche del B. Fra Giordano da Rivalto, Firenze, 1831, I. 230.--Regest. Clement. PP. V.T. V. p. 259 (Ed. Benedictin. Romae, 1887).--Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. Art. ii. fol. lx.x.xiii.--Memoires de Jacques Du Clercq, Liv. III. ch. 42; Liv. IV. ch. 3.--Rogeri Bacon Compend. Studii Philosophiae cap. ii. (M.R. Series I. 412).

Unnatural crime was subject to ecclesiastical jurisdiction and the punishment was burning alive (Tres Ancien Cout. de Bretagne, Art. 112, 142 ap. Bourdot de Richebourg, IV. 227, 232.--Statuta Criminalia Mediolani e tenebris in lucem edita, cap. 51, Bergomi, 1594). An instance of the infliction of the penalty by secular justice is recorded at Bourges in 1445 (Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. Ed. G.o.defroy, p. 72), and another at Zurich in 1482 (V. Anshelm, Die Berner Chronik, Bern, 1884, I. 221), though in 1451 Nicholas V. had subjected the crime to the Inquisition (Ripoll III. 301). D'Argentre says "Haec poena toto regno et vulgo statutis Italiae indicitur per civitates, sed pene irritis legibus" (Comment. Consuetud. Duc. Britann. p. 1810). In England it was a secular crime, punishable by burning alive (Horne, Myrror of Justice, cap. IV. -- 14) and in Spain by castration and lapidation (El Fuero real de Espana, Lib. IV. t.i.t. ix. l. 2).

The gossiping experiences in Syria and Italy of Antonio Sicci da Vercelli, as related before the papal commission in March, 1311, show the popular belief that there was a terrible secret in the Order which none of its members dared reveal (Proces, I. 644-5).

It is perhaps a coincidence that in 1307 the Teutonic Order was likewise accused of heresy by the Archbishop of Riga. Its Grand Master, Carl Beffart, was summoned by Clement, and with difficulty averted from his Order the fate of the Templars.--Wilcke, II. 118.

[273] Proces des Templiers, I. 36, 168.--Chron. Anonyme (Bouquet, XXI. 137).--Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 649-50).

[274] Bull. Pastoralis praeeminentiae (Mag. Bull. Rom. Supplem. IX. 126).--Bull. Faciens misericordiam (Ib. p. 136).--The Itineraries of Philippe and the record of pastoral visitations by Bertrand de Goth (Clement V.) sufficiently disprove the legendary story, originating with Villani, of the conditions entered into in advance at St. Jean d'Angely between Philippe and Clement (see van Os, De Abolitione Ordinis Templariorum, Herbipoli, 1874, pp. 14-15). None the less, however, was Clement practically subordinated to Philippe.

[275] Schottmuller's theory (Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, I. 91) that Clement summoned the chiefs of the two Military Orders to arrange with them for the protection of the Holy See against Philippe appears to me dest.i.tute of all probability.

[276] Villani Chron. VIII. 91-2.--Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 26.--Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV. (Muratori S.R.I. XI. 1228).--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1307.--Raynouard, pp. 18, 19.--Van Os De Abol. Ord. Templar, p. 43.--Proces des Templiers, II. 400.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 131.--Proces, I. 95.--Du Puy, Traitez concernant l'Histoire de France, Paris, 1700, pp. 10, 117.

[277] Du Puy, pp. 18-19, 86.--Stemler, Contingent zur Geschichte der Templer, Leipzig, 1783, pp. 36-50.--p.i.s.sot, Proces et Cond.a.m.nation des Templiers, Paris, 1805, pp. 39-43.

Clement V., in his letters of November 21 to Edward of England, and November 22 to Robert, Duke of Calabria, describes Philippe as having acted under the orders of the Inquisition, and as presenting the prisoners for judgment to the Church (Rymer III. 30; MSS. Chioccarello, T. VIII.). The Holy Office was recognized at the time as being the responsible instrumentality of the whole affair Chron. Fran. Pipini c. 49 op. Muratori S. R. I. IX. 749-50). The bull Faciens misericordiam of August 12, 1308, gives the inquisitors throughout Europe instructions to partic.i.p.ate in the subsequent proceedings (Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 136).

In fact, the whole matter was strictly inquisitorial business, and it is a noteworthy fact that where the Inquisition was in good working order, as in France and Italy, there was no difficulty in obtaining the requisite evidence. In Castile and Germany it failed; in England, as we shall see, nothing could be done until the Inquisition was practically established temporarily for the purpose.

[278] Dom Bouquet, XXI. 448.--Vaissette, IV. 139.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 137, 149).--Cont. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1307.--Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 649).--Proces des Templiers, I. 458; II. 373.

[279] Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 649-50).--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1307.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 137).--Schottmuller, op. cit. I. 131-33.--Zurita, a.n.a.les de Aragon, Lib. V. c. 73.--Proces des Templiers, II. 6, 375, 386, 394.--Du Puy, pp. 25-6, 88-91, 101-6.--Raynouard, pp. 39-40, 164, 235-8, 240-5.--Proces des Templiers, I. 36, 69, 203, 301; II. 305-6.--Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV. (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1230).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 149).

[280] p.i.s.sot, pp. 41-2.--Proces des Templiers, I. 89 sqq.--Mag. Bull. Roman. IX. 129 sqq.--Raynouard, p. 50.--Grandes Chroniques V. 188-90.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 137).--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.

[281] Wilcke, II. 424.--Proces des Templiers, II. 218.--The flimsiness of the evidence which suffices to satisfy archaeologists of this kind is seen in the laborious trifling of M. Mignard, who finds in a sculptured stone coffer, discovered at Essarois in 1789, all the secrets of gnostic Manichaeism, and who thereupon leaps to the conclusion that the coffer must have belonged to the Templars who had a preceptory within eight or ten miles of the place, and that it served as a receptacle for the Baphometic idol (Mignard, Monographie du coffret de M. le duc de Blacas, Paris, 1852.--Suite, 1853).

It is impossible to listen without respect to Professor Hans Prutz, whose labors in the archives of Valetta I have freely quoted above, and one can only view with regret the efforts of such a man wasted in piecing together contradictory statements of tortured witnesses to evolve out of them a dualistic heresy--an amalgamation of Catharan elements with Luciferan beliefs, to which even the unlucky Stedingers contribute corroboration (Geheimlehre u. Geheimstatuten des Tempelherren-Ordens, Berlin, 1879, pp. 62, 86, 100). It ought to be sufficient to prevent such wasted labor for the future, to call attention to the fact that if there had been ardor and conviction enough in the Order to risk the organization and propagation of a new heresy, there would, unquestionably, have been at least a few martyrs, such as all other heretical sects furnished. Yet not a single Templar avowed the faith attributed to them and persisted in it. All who confessed under the stress of the prosecution eagerly abjured the errors attributed to them and asked for absolution. A single case of obstinacy would have been worth to Philippe and Clement all the other testimony, and would have been made the pivotal point of the trials, but there was not one such. All the Templars who were burned were martyrs of another sort--men who had confessed under torture, had retracted their confessions, and who preferred the stake to the disgrace of persisting in the admission extorted from them. It does not seem to occur to the ingenious framers of heretical beliefs for the Templars that they must construct a heresy whose believers will not suffer death in its defence, but will endure to be burned in scores rather than submit to the stigma of having it ascribed to them. The mere statement of the case is enough to show the fabulous character of all the theories so laboriously constructed, especially that of M. Mignard, who proves that the Templars were Cathari--heretics whose aspiration for martyrdom was peculiarly notorious.

I have not been able to consult Loiseleur's "La Doctrine Secrete des Templiers" (Orleans, 1872), but from Prutz's references to it I gather that it is grounded on the same false basis and is open to the same easy refutation. Wilcke's speculations are too perversely crude to be worth attention.

[282] Writers unfamiliar with the judicial processes of the period are misled by the customary formula, to the effect that the confirmation of a confession is not obtained by force or fear of torture. See Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12, and Bini, Dei Tempieri in Toscana, p. 428. Wilcke a.s.serts positively (op. cit. II. 318) that de Molay never was tortured, which may possibly be true (Amalr. Auger. Vit. Clem. V. ap. Muratori III. ii. 461), but he saw his comrades around him subjected to torture, and it was a mere question of strength of nerve whether he yielded before or after the rack. Prutz even says that in England neither torture nor terrorism was employed (Geheimlehre, p. 104), which we will see below was not the case. Van Os (De Abol. Ord. Templ. pp. 107, 109) is bolder, and argues that a confession confirmed after torture is as convincing as if no torture had been used. He carefully suppresses the fact, however, that retraction was held to be relapse and entailed death by burning.

How the system worked is ill.u.s.trated by the examination of the Preceptor of Cyprus, Raimbaud de Caron, before the inquisitor Guillaume, Nov. 10, 1307. When first interrogated he would only admit that he had been told in the presence of his uncle, the Bishop of Carpentras, that he would have to renounce Christ to obtain admission. He was then removed and subsequently brought back, when he remembered that at his reception he had been forced to renounce Christ and spit on the cross, and had been taught that the gratification of unnatural l.u.s.t was permissible. Yet this confession, so evidently the result of torture, winds up with the customary formula that he swore it was not the result of force or fear of prison or torture.--Proces. II. 374-5.

[283] Proces, II. 188, 407.

[284] Ibid. II. 451.

[285] Proces, I. 241, 412, 415, 602, 611; II. 7, 295, 298, 354, 359, 382, 394.--Regle, --7, p. 211.

[286] Proces, I. 213, 332; II. 388, 404.--Raynouard, p. 281.--In this and the following notes I can only give a few references as examples. To do so exhaustively would be to make an a.n.a.lytical index of the whole voluminous ma.s.s of testimony.

[287] Proces, I. 206, 242, 302, 378, 386, etc.; II. 5, 27, etc.

[288] Proces, I. 254, 417; II. 24, 62, 72, 104.--Bini, Dei Tempieri in Toscana, pp. 463, 470, 478.

[289] Proces, II. 42, 44, 59.

[290] Proces, I. 206-7, 294, 411, 426, 464, 533; II. 31, 128, 242, 366.

[291] Proces, I. 190, 207, 399, 502, 597; II. 193, 203, 212, 279, 300, 313, 315, 363, 364.--Du Puy, pp. 105-6.--Raynouard, pp. 246-8, 279-83, 293.--Bini, pp. 465, 474, 482, 487, 488.--Wilkins, Concilia, II. 358.--Schottmuller, op. cit. II. 29, 50, 68, 70, 127, 410, 411.--Vaissette, IV. 141.--Stemler, pp. 124-5.

It is in this multiform creature of the imagination that Dr. Wilcke (II. 131-2) sees alternately an image of John the Baptist and the triune Makroposopus of the Cabala.

Among the few outside witnesses who appeared before the papal commission in 1310-11, was Antonio Sicci of Vercelli, imperial and apostolic notary, who forty years before had served the Templars in Syria in that capacity, and had recently been employed in the case by the Inquisition of Paris. Among his Eastern experiences he gravely related a story current in Sidon that a lord of that city once loved desperately but fruitlessly a n.o.ble maiden of Armenia; she died, and, like Periander of Corinth, on the night of her burial he opened her tomb and gratified his pa.s.sion. A mysterious voice said, "Return in nine months and you will find a head, your son!" In due time he came back and found a human head in the tomb, when the voice said, "Guard this head, for all your good-fortune will come from it!" At the time the witness heard this, Matthieu le Sauvage of Picardy was Preceptor of Sidon, who had established brotherhood with the Soldan of Babylon by each drinking the other's blood. Then a certain Julian, who had succeeded to Sidon and to the possession of the head, entered the Order and gave to it the town and all his wealth. He was subsequently expelled and entered the Hospitallers, whom he finally abandoned for the Premonstratensians (Proces, I. 645-6). This somewhat irrelevant and disconnected story so impressed the commissioners that they made Antonio reduce it to writing himself, and lost no subsequent opportunity of inquiring about the head of Sidon from all other witnesses who had been in Syria. Shortly afterwards Jean Senandi, who had lived in Sidon for five years, informed them that the Templars purchased the city, and that Julian, who had been one of its lords, entered the Order but apostatized and died in poverty. One of his ancestors was said to have loved a maiden and abused her corpse, but he had heard nothing of the head (Ib. II. 140). Pierre de n.o.biliac had been for many years beyond seas, but had likewise never heard of it (Ib. 215). At length their curiosity was gratified by Hugues de Faure, who confirmed the fact that Sidon had been purchased by the Grand Master, Thomas Berard (1257-1273), and added that after the fall of Acre he had heard in Cyprus that the heiress of Maraclea, in Tripoli, had been loved by a n.o.ble who had exhumed her body and violated it, and cut off her head, a voice telling him to guard it well, for it would destroy all who looked upon it. He wrapped it up and kept it in a coffer, and in Cyprus, when he wished to destroy a town of the Greeks, he would uncover it and accomplish his purpose. Desiring to destroy Constantinople he sailed thither with it, but his old nurse, curious to know what was in the coffer so carefully preserved, opened it, when a sudden storm burst over the s.h.i.+p and sank it with all on board, except a few sailors who escaped to tell the tale. Since then no fish have been found in that part of the sea (Ib. 223-4). Guillaume Avril had been seven years beyond seas without hearing of the head, but had been told that in the whirlpool of Setalias a head sometimes appeared, and then all the vessels there were lost (Ib. 238). All this rubbish was sent to the Council of Vienne as part of the evidence against the Order.

[292] Proces, I. 233, 242, 250, 414, 423, 429, 533, 536, 546, etc.

[293] Proces, I. 233; II. 219, 232, 237, 264.--Raynouard, 274-5, 279-80.--Bini, pp. 463, 497.

At the feast of the Holy Cross in May and September, and on Good Friday, the Templars all a.s.sembled, and, laying aside shoes and head-gear and swords, adored the cross, with the hymn-- Ador te Crist et benesesc te Crist Qui per la sancta tua crou nos resemist.-- (Proces, II. 474, 491, 503.) [294] Proces, I. 233, 250, 536, 539, 541, 546, 606; II. 226, 232, 336, 360, 369.--Ravnouard, p. 275.

[295] Proces, I. 530, 533, 536, 539, 544, 549, 565, 572, 622; II. 24, 27, 29, 31, 120, 280, 362, 546, 579.--Schottmuller, II. 413.

[296] Proces, I. 386, 536, 539, 565, 572, 592.

[297] Proces. I. 413, 434, 444, 469, 504, 559, 562; II. 75, 99, 113, 123, 205.--Raynouard, p. 280.--Schottmuller, op. cit. II. 132, 410.

[298] Proces, I. 407, 418, 435, 462, 572, 588; II. 27, 38, 67, 174, 185, 214.

[299] Proces, I. 404; II. 260, 281, 284, 295, 299, 338, 354, 356, 363, 389, 390, 395, 407.--Bini, pp. 468, 488.

It is not easy to appreciate the reasoning of Michelet (Proces, II. vii.-viii.), who argues that the uniformity of denial in a series of depositions taken by the Bishop of Elne suggests concert of statement agreed upon in advance, while the variations in those who admitted guilt are an evidence of their veracity. If the Templars were innocent, denials of the charges read to them seriatim would be necessarily identical; if they were guilty, the confessions would be likewise uniform. Thus the ident.i.ty of the one group and the diversity of the other both concur to disprove the accusations.

[300] Incontrovertible evidence that the Templar priests did not mutilate the words of consecration in the ma.s.s is furnished in the Cypriote proceedings by ecclesiastics who had long dwelt with them in the East.--Processus Cypricus (Schottmuller, II. 379, 382, 383).

[301] Proces, I. 230-1, 264-74, 296-307, 331-67, 477-93, 602-19, 621-41; II. 1-3, 56-85, 91-114, 122-52, 154-77, 184-91, 234-56, 263-7.

[302] Proces, I. 298, 305, 319, 336, 372, 401, 405, 427, 436, etc.

It is not easy to understand the prescription of Friday fasting as a penance for a Templar, for the ascetic rules of the Order already required the most rigid fasting. Meat was only allowed three days in the week, and a second Lent was kept from the Sunday before Martinmas until Christmas (Regle, ---- 15, 57).

[303] This would seem not unlikely if we are to believe the confession of Jean d'Aumones, a serving brother who stated that at his reception his preceptor turned all the other brethren out of the chapel, and after some difficulty forced him to spit at the cross, after which he said "Go, fool, and confess." This Jean at once did, to a Franciscan who imposed on him only the penance of three Friday fasts, saying that it was intended as a test of constancy in case of capture by the Saracens (Proces, I. 588-91).

Another serving brother, Pierre de Cherrut, related that after he had been forced to renounce G.o.d his preceptor smiled disdainfully at him, as though despising him (Ib. I. 531).

Equally suggestive is the story, told by the serving brother Eudes de Bures, a youth of twenty at the time, that after his reception he was taken into another room by two of the brethren and forced to renounce Christ. On his refusing at first, one of them said that in his country people renounced G.o.d a hundred times for a flea--perhaps an exaggeration, but "Je renye Dieu" was one of the commonest of expletives. When the preceptor heard him weeping he called to the tormentors to let him alone, as they would set him crazy, and he subsequently told Eudes that it was a joke (Ib. II. 100-2).

What is the real import of such incidents may be gathered from a story related by a witness during the inquest held in Cyprus, May, 1310. He had heard from a Genoese named Matteo Zaccaria, who had long been a prisoner in Cairo, that when the news of the proceedings against the Order reached the Soldan of Egypt he drew from his prisons about forty Templars captured ten years before on the island of Tortosa, and offered them wealth if they would renounce their religion. Surprised and angered by their refusal, he remanded them to their dungeons and ordered them to be deprived of food and drink, when they perished to a man rather than apostatize.--Schottmuller, op. cit. II. 160.

[304] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. II. p. 95.--Du Puy, pp. 117-18, 124, 134.--Schottmuller, I. 94.--Rymer, Foed. III. 30.--MSS. Chioccarello T. VIII.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 126, 131.--Zurita, Lib. v. c. 73.

Apparently there was a general expectation that the Hospitallers would share the fate of the Templars, and a disposition was manifested at once to pillage them, for Clement felt obliged, December 21, 1307, to issue a bull confirming all their privileges and immunities, and to send throughout Europe letters ordering them to be protected from all encroachments (Regest. Clem. PP. V. T. III. pp. 14, 17-18, 20-1, 273; T. IV. p. 418).

[305] Du Puy, pp. 12-13, 84-5, 89, 109, 111-12, 134.--D'Achery Spicileg. II. 199.--Raynouard, p. 238, 306.

Jean de S. Victor gives the date of the declaration of the University as the Sat.u.r.day after Ascension (May 25, ap. Bouquet, XXI. 651), but Du Puy describes the doc.u.ment as sealed with fourteen seals, and dated on Lady Day (March 25).

[306] Archives Administratives de Reims, T. II. pp. 65, 66.--Cha.s.saing Spicilegium Brivatense, pp. 274-5.--Du Puy, pp. 38-9, 85, 113, 116.--Contin. Nangiac. ann. 1308.--Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 650).--Raynouard, p. 42.

[307] Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. xxiv. (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1229-30).--Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 650).--Raynouard, pp. 44-5, 245-52.--Du Puy, pp. 13-14.--Schottmuller, op. cit. II. 13 sqq.--Bull. Faciens misericordiam, 12 Aug. 1308 (Rymer, II. 101.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 136).

[308] Du Puy, pp. 15-17, 20, 39, 86, 107-8, 118-19, 121-22, 125.--Contin. Nangiac. ann. 1308.--Raynouard, pp. 46, 49.--Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 651).--D'Achery Spicileg. II. 200.

Guillaume de Plaisian, who had been Philippe's chief instrument in these transactions, received special marks of Clement's favor by briefs dated August 5 (Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 216, 227).

[309] Bull. Faciens misericordiam.--Raynald. ann. 1309, No. 3.--Du Puy, pp. 64-5, 86-88, 127, 207-9.--Proces des Templiers I. 50-2.--Raynouard, p. 47.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 433-4.

Clement appointed six curators in France to look after the property for the Holy See. By letters of January 5, 1309, he gave them an allowance from the Templar property of forty sous parisis of good money each for every night which they might have to spend away from home, at the same time cautioning them that they must not fraudulently leave their houses without necessity (Regest. T. IV. p. 439). A brief of January 28, 1310, transferring from the Bishop of Vaison to the canon, Gerard de Bussy, the custody of certain Templar houses, shows that Clement succeeded in obtaining possession of a portion (Ib. T. V. p. 56).

[310] Du Puy, pp. 33-4, 133.--Bull. Faciens misericordiam.--Proces, I. 34-5.

[311] Rymer, III. 101.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 134, 136.--Harduin. VII. 1283, 1289, 1321, 1353.--Schmidt, Pabstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, pp. 71-2.--Raynald. ann. 1308, No. 8.--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1308.--Raynouard, p. 50.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 281 sqq., pp. 363 sqq., 386 sqq.; T. IV. pp. 3, 276 sqq., 479-82.

The Master of England and the Master of Germany were reserved for papal judgment. The bull Faciens misericordiam, addressed to Germany, contained no command to a.s.semble provincial councils (Harduin. VII. 1353).

In spite of all that had occurred, this bull seems to have taken the public by surprise outside of France. Walter of Hemingford calls it "bullam horribilem contra Templarios" (Chron. Ed. 1849, II. 279).

[312] Du Puy, pp. 110, 125.--Raynouard, p. 130.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 453-55, 457-8.--Proces, I. 71-2, 128, 132, 135, 463, 511, 540, etc.

[313] Raynouard, pp. 52-3.--Proces, I. 40, 75, 230, 506-9, 511-14, 520-1, 527-8; II. 13, 18.

[314] Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 654).--Proces, I. 1-31.

[315] Proces, I. 28, 29, 41-5, 88.

[316] Proces, I. 47-53.

[317] Proces, I. 103-51.--It must be borne in mind that the allowance was in the fearfully debased currency of Philippe le Bel. According to a doc.u.ment of 1318 the livre Tournois still was to the sterling pound as 1 to 4-1/2 (Olim, III. 1279).

Other Templars subsequently offered to defend the Order, making five hundred and seventy-three up to May 2.

[318] Proces, I. 165-72.

[319] Proces, I. 173, 201-4, 259-64.

[320] Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Sens, p. 68.--Proces, I. 274-5, 281.--Contin. Chron. G. de Fracheto (Bouquet, XXI. 33).--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 140).--Amalr. Auger. Hist. Pontif. (Eccard II. 1810).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. 719).--Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 654-55).--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1310.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 187.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 158).--Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens. p. iii.--Raynouard, pp. 118-20.

It was not all bishops who were ready to accept the inquisitorial doctrine that revocation of confession was equivalent to relapse. The question was discussed in the Council of Narbonne and decided in the negative.--Raynouard, p. 106.

The number of those who refused to confess was not insignificant. Some papers respecting the expenses of detention of Templars at Senlis describe sixty-five as not reconciled, who therefore cannot have confessed.--Ib. p. 107.

[321] Proces, I. 275-83.

[322] Harduin. VII. 1334.--Proces, I. 286-7; II. 3-4, 269-73.--Raynouard, pp. 254-6.--A notarial attestation describes the voluminous record as consisting of 219 folios with forty lines to the page, equivalent to 17,520 lines.

How close a watch was kept on the witnesses is seen in the case of three, Martin de Mont Richard, Jean Durand, and Jean de Ruans, who, on March 22, a.s.serted that they knew of no evil in the Order. Two days later they are brought back to say that they had lied through folly. When before their bishops they had confessed to renouncing and spitting, and it was true. What persuasions were applied to them during the interval no one can tell.--Proces, II. 88-96, 107-9.

[323] Rymer, Foedera, III. 18, 34-7, 43-6.

[324] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 316, 477.--Rymer, Foed. III. 168-9, 173, 179-80, 182, 195, 203-4, 244.

The pay a.s.signed to the inquisitors was three florins each per diem, to be a.s.sessed on the Templar property (Regest. ubi sup.).

[325] Wilkins, Concil. Mag. Brit. II. 329-92.--Rymer, III. 195, 202-3, 224-5, 227-32, 260, 274.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. pp. 455-7.

[326] Wilkins, II. 314, 373-83, 394-400.--Rymer, III. 295, 327, 334, 349, 472-3.--Proces des Templiers, II. 130.--D'Argentre I. I. 280.

That the allowance for the Templars was liberal is shown by that made for the Bishop of Glasgow when confined, in 1312, in the Castle of Porchester. His per diem was 6d., that for his valet 3d., for his chaplain five farthings, and the same for his servant (Rymer, III. 363). The wages of the janitor of the Temple in London was 2d., by a charter of Edward II. in 1314 (Wilcke, II. 498).

[327] Proces, II. 267.--Calmet, Hist. Gen. de Lorraine, II. 436.

[328] Ga.s.sari Annal. Augstburgens. ann. 1312 (Menken. Scriptt, I. 1473).--Torquati Series Pontif. Magdeburg. ann. 1307-8 (Menken. III. 390).--Raynald. ann. 1310, No. 40.--Chron. Episc. Merseburgens. c. xxvii. -- 3 (Ludewig IV. 408).--Bothonis Chron. ann. 1311 (Leibnitz III. 374).--Wilcke, II. 242, 246, 324-5.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. 271.--Schmidt, Pabstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, p. 77.--Havemann, p. 333.

[329] Harduin. VII. 1353.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 3-4; T. V. p. 272.--Du Puy, pp. 62-3, 130-1.--Schmidt, Pabstliche Urkunden, p. 77.--Raynald. ann. 1310, No. 40.--Raynouard, pp. 127, 270.--Jo. Latomi Cat. Archiepp. Moguntt. (Menken. III. 526).--H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XXII. ann. 1311.--Wilcke, II. 243, 246, 325, 339.--Schottmuller, I. 445-6.

Even Raynaldus (ann. 1307, No. 12) alludes to the incombustibility of the Templars' crosses as an evidence in their favor.

[330] Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 131-2.--Archivio di Napoli, MSS. Chioccarello, T. VIII.--Du Puy, pp. 63-4, 87, 222-6.--Raynouard, pp. 200, 279-84.--Schottmuller, II. 108 sqq.

[331] Schottmuller, II. 406-19.

[332] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. p. 301.--Bini, pp. 420-1, 424, 427-8.--Raynald. ann. 1309, No. 3.--Raynouard, pp. 273-77.--Chron. Parmens. ann. 1309 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 880).--Du Puy, pp. 57-8.--Rubei Hist. Ravennat. Ed. 1589, pp. 517, 521, 522, 524, 525, 526.--Campi, Dell' Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. III. p. 41.--Barbarano dei Mironi Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 157-8.--Anton, Versuch einer Geschichte der Tempelherrenordens, Leipzig, 1779, p. 139.

[333] Schottmuller, I. 457-69, 494; II. 147-400.--Du Puy, pp. 63, 106-7.--Raynouard, p. 285.

[334] Allart, Bulletin de la Societe des Pyrenees Orientales, 1867, Tom. XV. pp. 37-42, 67-9, 72, 76-8, 94-6.--Zurita, a.n.a.les de Aragon, Lib. V. c. 72, Lib. VI. c. 61.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 435 sqq.--La Fuente, Hist. Ecles. de Espana, II. 369-70.--Ptol. Lucens Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV. (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1228).--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1312 (Aguirre, VI. 233-4).

[335] Allart, op. cit. pp. 34, 42, 66, 69, 72-4, 79, 81-4, 86, 93-8, 105.--Proces, II. 424-515.--Vaissette, IV. 153.

I have met with no details as to the treatment of the Templars of Navarre; but as Louis Hutin, son of Philippe le Bel, succeeded to that kingdom in 1307, of course the French methods prevailed there, and the papal Inquisitor, Jean de Bourgogne, had full opportunity to procure testimony in what manner was most effective.

[336] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 289, 299.--Llorente, Ch. III. Art. 2, No. 6, 7.--Mariana, Lib. XV. c. 10 (Ed. 1789, p. 390, note).--Raynouard, pp. 128, 265-66.--Aguirre, VI. 230.--La Fuente, Hist. Ecles. II. 368-70.

[337] Raynouard, pp. 204, 267.--Raynald. ann. 1317, No. 40.--Zurita, Lib. VI. c. 26.--La Fuente, II. 872.

[338] Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 53.--Raynouard, pp. 166-7.--Schottmuller, I. 395.

[339] Bini, p. 501.--Raynouard, pp. 233-5, 303.--Vaissette, IV. 140-1.

[340] Hefele, Conciliengeschichte I. 66.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv f. Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 353.--The apologetic tone in which it was felt necessary to speak of the acts of the council with regard to the Templars is well ill.u.s.trated by a Vatican MS. quoted by Raynaldus, ann. 1311, No. 54.

Only fragments have reached us of the vast acc.u.mulation of doc.u.ments respecting the case of the Templars. In the migrations of Clement V. doubtless some were lost (Franz Ehrle, Archiv fur Litt.-u. Kirchengesch. 1885, p. 7); others in the Schism, when Benedict XIII. carried a portion of the archives to p.e.n.i.scola (Schottmuller, I. 705), and others again in the transport of the papers of the curia from Avignon to Rome. When, in 1810, Napoleon ordered the papal archives transferred to Paris, where they remained until 1815, the first care of General Radet, the French Inspector-general of Rome, was to secure those concerning the trials of the Templars and of Galileo (Regest. Clement. PP. V., Romae, 1885, T. I. Proleg. p. ccxxix.). During their stay in Paris Raynouard utilized them in the work so often quoted above, but even then only a few seem to have been accessible, and of these a portion are now not to be found in the Vatican MSS., although Schottmuller, the most recent investigator, expresses a hope that the missing ones may yet be traced (op. cit. I. 713). The number of boxes sent to Paris amounted to 3239, and the papal archivists complained that many doc.u.ments were not restored. The French authorities declared that the papal agents to whom they had been delivered sold immense quant.i.ties to grocers (Reg. Clem. V. Proleg. pp. ccxciii.-ccxcviii.).