Glimpses into the Abyss Part 5

Simple vagrancy, on first detention, would involve detention at Wortel for one year or until the man had _earned_ fifteen francs. For the second offence, and more serious ones, the man would be committed to Merxplas for not less than two years or more than seven years. Laziness, habitual drunkenness, or disorderly life as vagabonds, qualify for admission.

Inside the colony there is a sixfold cla.s.sification. The worst cla.s.ses, _i.e._ men sentenced for immorality or arson, men sentenced after imprisonment, and men known to be dangerous, never mix with the others.

There is a _quartier cellulaire_ for the refractory. To these belonged on September 3rd, 1903, only one hundred and forty-two men.

On, the other hand, the cla.s.s of "vagabonds, mendicants and inebriates"

numbered three thousand and sixty-six.

Besides this there is a cla.s.s for "infirm and incurable," who do light work or none. The latter are allowed three centimes daily for small luxuries, and may play games.

Those under twenty-one form another cla.s.s and are given schooling. All except the infirm work nine hours a day, receiving board and lodging and from three to thirty centimes a day. They can spend it by means of tokens, or it is banked for them until they leave the colony. There are quite a number of trades. Very little machinery is used, so that more men are employed. As far as possible materials used are grown on the farm. The colonists themselves do all the work of every kind.

There is only a small staff. Control is mainly by means of transfer from one cla.s.s to another, and, in the last resort, summary punishment by the Director, consisting of solitary confinement on bread and water. Escape is easy and frequent, but men, if unable to support themselves, are soon committed again.

The cost is under 10 per year _including_ cost of buildings, etc. (See note 33.)

At Lincoln Workhouse it is 16 per year _exclusive_ of cost of buildings, etc.

English prisons cost 22 11_s_. per year _exclusive_ of cost of buildings, etc.

English convict prisons, 28 per year _exclusive_ of cost of buildings, etc.

The writer has personally examined the _Danish_ system of penal poor law. She is a.s.sured, however, that there are in Denmark _no vagrants proper_. The penal workhouse in Copenhagen is about to be replaced by a new one surrounded by a moat. The working of the system can however be understood by the present arrangements. If a man fails to support himself, his wife and family, or his illegitimate child, he can be committed for six months, or a dest.i.tute man can claim admission. The men in the lightest cla.s.s of labour are sent out in gangs to sweep the streets. Others are employed in breaking up stone to obtain crystals: these sit at benches. This is comparatively light labour, and the task is apportioned to the worker, not uniform; others carry on weaving, spinning, wood chopping, etc., etc.

All these workers receive one kroner a month, which is saved up for them. From the higher cla.s.ses a man can go out if he has certain work.

The earnings of a defaulting husband are appropriated. The severer side of the workhouse contains the refractory or dangerous; here also the work is paid for, but on a lower scale. Solitary confinement and also changes of rations are used for discipline. It is said that a law authorising, in extreme cases, corporal punishment is likely to be pa.s.sed. A man can rise from grade to grade, or sink if "malingering."

Accommodation on the premises is provided for fourteen days for those who become homeless; their furniture can be brought in, and the home carried on. Meanwhile, by means of the munic.i.p.al labour bureau, efforts are made to find the man work and prevent the final breaking up of the home. The commune will pay house rent for _three months_ for a genuine case of unemployment. Thus no one need be dest.i.tute in Denmark, and the consequent tightening up of the whole national life is evident even to the casual visitor. Inst.i.tutions exist for the proper care of the aged (who also, if deserving, have old age pensions), for dest.i.tute women and girls, for the feeble-minded, etc., while the relieving officer is _the friend of the poor_. All poor-law relief is regarded as a debt to be repaid to the State.

In _Germany_ again we have a national provision which cannot fail to excite our admiration, though its working is not quite so perfect.

The example of Germany is chiefly valuable as showing us how to deal with the problem of industrial migration. Throughout the land exist numbers of Relief stations. These are places to which a man can go, and by doing a certain task of work _earn_ tickets ent.i.tling him to bed, supper and breakfast. In Germany, even more than in England, it is the fas.h.i.+on for a workman to migrate. No young man's education is considered complete unless he has been on _wanderschaft_, and thereby gained experience of various workshops. Consequently all over the country "Workmen's Homes" exist. At these a man can do a task of work in return for food and lodging. They are said to be _superior_ to Rowton Houses at _less_ cost. If a man is without money he can work his way from Relief station to Relief station. The Relief stations are maintained by local authorities, the _Herberge_ or lodging-house by a society. Each station is practically a labour bureau. They are in telephonic communication all over the country. Consequently a man can tell if he has a chance of employment. He is given a "way-bill," and must pa.s.s along a certain route. If he fails to get employment he is relegated to a labour colony.

The defect of Germany is the want of cla.s.sification in the latter, but this will probably be remedied.[40]

The following account of Berlin will show how the vagrant is treated there: "Let a ragged man appear in any of the numerous open s.p.a.ces and a policeman is on him in a minute. 'Your papers!' If it is proved he has slept in an asylum for the homeless more than a certain number of nights he is conducted to the _workhouse_ and made to labour for his board and lodging. Every person is known to the State, and also insured by it."

"Fall sick," says the State, "and we will nurse you back to vigour; drop out of employment, and we will find you work; grow old, and we will provide you with bread and b.u.t.ter; but become lazy and vagabond and we will lock you up and make you work till you have paid the uttermost farthing of your debt." (See note 27.)

Berlin has a huge building, like a factory, where the unemployed--whole families--are received and provided for. But no one can use this hospitality more than five times in three months. Otherwise they are sent to the workhouse. Private enterprise has provided an asylum where men can go five times in one month. "Dirty, ragged, unhappy wretches dare not show themselves in the decent world as they do in London. They slink into these asylums at five o'clock, have their clothes disinfected, cleanse themselves under shower baths, eat bread and drink soup, and go to bed at eight like prisoners in cells. Everybody feels it is better to work than to fall into the hands of the law. There is a central bureau for obtaining employment. The State placed out 50,000 men in one year."

With regard to the labour colonies, which provide mainly for men weak in character and physique, one interesting fact is the merely nominal expertise at which they can be run. The Luhterheim Colony costs 3,200 per annum, but the average cost per man after _all_ expenses, including interest on borrowed capital, have been paid, is only 2_s_. 7_d_. per week. An error in the Board of Trade Report, 1893, describes the inmates as mainly criminal. This is not the case. Of the 40 per cent. in German colonies cla.s.sified as criminal only 20 per cent. are criminal in the English sense, the remainder being "casual warders," while 60 per cent.

are not _in any sense_ criminal. (See article by Percy Alden, _British Friend_, October, 1904.)

Holland has also interesting colonies, "free" at Frederiksoord for the deserving unemployed (chiefly deficient mentally or physically) and "penal" also.[41]

Switzerland also has diminished mendicancy of late to an extraordinary extent by the following measures:--

(1) Providing special facilities for men travelling in genuine search for employment.

(2) Taking steps against the lazy.

(3) Adopting stringent police measures.

Forced labour inst.i.tutions are the means employed. At the farm at Witzwyl with 150 inmates, two officers are in charge of each group of ten or twelve, and _work with them_. The men sleep and eat in cells and have a liberal diet, and a fair chance when discharged of commencing life afresh. At St. Johannsen the older and more hardened offenders are confined.[42]

In order to facilitate migration there is an Inter-Cantonal Union over fourteen of the twenty-two cantons. The Union issues a "Traveller's Relief Book," by means of which the workman may tramp all over the country and be fed and lodged. He has not to work his way, but beggars and drunkards and idlers fall into the hands of the police, for if work is refused when provided, the man proved "work-shy" is sent for from three months to two years to the "forced labour" inst.i.tution. The loafer may be sent _either_ to prison, for from two to six months, or to the forced labour inst.i.tution, for from six months to two years. Almost every canton has its forced labour inst.i.tution. In Canton Schwyz persons giving alms are _fined_ up to ten francs![43]

A description could also be given of the Austrian Poor Law, which appears to be very similar to the Danish. It will thus be seen that there already exist in several Continental countries methods of dealing with vagrancy far superior to English methods. In fact our present chaos may be considered as the effect of gradually acc.u.mulating errors. Ten years before we formed the tramp ward the Germans began the Relief station. We can hardly overestimate the results that would have followed, in toning up our national life, from the subst.i.tution of real remedies for futile attempts at repression, adapted to a bygone age, but not to present conditions. It is time we retraced our steps, as all such evils are c.u.mulative in their effects.[44]

X. TENTATIVE ATTEMPTS IN ENGLAND.

It may first be stated that the stringent order of February 25th, 1896, asking guardians to enforce the Casual Poor Act of 1882, not only has not been universally obeyed, but also in some parts of England met with opposition. The Poor-law Conference of the Western Counties felt that while a stringent application of the Board's regulations would lessen the number of vagrants applying at casual wards, "what would have happened would be this, that those who would otherwise apply for legal shelter would be driven to join the majority of 'st.u.r.dy rogues' who now subsist in comfort by begging, who sleep in outhouses or pay for lodgings, and never enter a casual ward with its restrictions and taskwork." They considered that the only true way of dealing with the question is to provide simple but sufficient food and a night's lodging, demanding an equivalent of work for food, with no punitive detention, "which is simply another expression for imprisonment for twenty-four hours with hard labour." They recommend a mid-day dole to prevent begging.[45]

That such results as they mention _did_ follow the application of the more stringent order is shown by careful statistics kept by Charles H.

Fox, at Wellington, Somerset, on the high road to the west. From August to October, 1896, police orders to the casual wards were 536, those sleeping in lodging-houses 1,152. Thus about two to one did not seek the legal shelter, besides those "sleeping out." As the number of casuals was decreased by the severity, the number in lodging-houses increased, and also there was a large increase in the percentages of offences of sleeping out and begging (as shown in a previous section, p. 18). It is evident that the only result of the change of policy was that mentioned by the Conference.

Opinions such as these were expressed also in a practical form by what is known as "the Gloucesters.h.i.+re system." A valuable report as to the working of this is given by Colonel Curtis Hayward. Quotations from it run as follows:--

"To prevent migration in times of great disturbance in the labour market--if desirable--is not possible; but we should take care that those who are driven by stress of circ.u.mstances to take to the road do not find it so pleasant or profitable as to induce them to take to it as an occupation, and join the ranks of professional vagrants.

"We, in Gloucesters.h.i.+re, in normal times have reduced vagrancy within very narrow limits."

The principle proceeded on is to discourage _almsgiving_ by _providing_ for migration, and so respecting the feelings of the public. "Severity never had a good effect."[46]

The system adopted in Dorsets.h.i.+re of giving bread tickets to the public to give to wayfarers failed because of defects in working.

The authorities in Gloucesters.h.i.+re and Wilts.h.i.+re resolved to co-operate, as Gloucesters.h.i.+re is a great thoroughfare. In 1879, 1880, 1881, the annual average of casuals was 60,882.

The result of a memorial to quarter sessions was the adoption of what was then known as the Berks.h.i.+re system. It failed in Berks.h.i.+re owing to want of co-operation.

It is as follows: A wayfarer on entering Gloucesters.h.i.+re or Wilts receives, on application to the relieving officer, a ticket, on which is written his general description and the place he is bound for, viz., his _final_ destination. With this he goes to the vagrant ward, where he is fed night and morning, for which he has to do a certain task. On his discharge the name of the union to which he is to be admitted the following night--the direct route--is written on his ticket, also the name of the intermediate station he pa.s.ses on his road, where between the hours of one and three he is supplied with his mid-day ration of half a pound of bread by the constable on duty. Leaflets explaining the system and requesting the public not to give to beggars are periodically left at every house in the county. The cost of the rations is defrayed by voluntary subscriptions.

It is claimed that this system during the first quarter reduced vagrancy returns 50 per cent. Colonel Curtis Hayward does not think that compulsory detention acts as a deterrent. In 1891 when trade was brisk, in March quarter, this system reduced the numbers to 4,497 as against 13,313 in 1881, and on the whole year from 60,000 to 22,000, whereas other counties tell a different tale, the numbers being stationary or only slightly smaller for Bucks, Oxford, and Warwick.

Worcesters.h.i.+re gives bread tickets to "selected honest wayfarers," but nearly double the amount was spent, namely, 65 3_s_. 5_d_., to that spent in Gloucesters.h.i.+re without selection. Colonel Curtis Hayward thinks discrimination impossible. Exact statistics for Worcesters.h.i.+re are not obtainable, but in nine unions the figures are:--

1881. 1891. 1894.

10,392 6,349 12,935

so that this system does not appear to have affected the returns.

From the Chief Constable's office, Dorchester, I have obtained a valuable report of the Dorset Mendicity Society. It has been established thirty-four years and provides food for the wayfarer in exchange for bread tickets. Posters displayed at police stations deter the public from giving doles. A large increase of vagrancy is admitted, but it is claimed that there has been no increase in vagrant crime. The professional beggar is said to avoid the county or to hurry through it.[47]

In this report W. P. Plummer says: "It is a generally accepted idea that all wayfarers are worthless idlers, and the only proper way of dealing with them is to make the regulations of casual wards so universally severe that men will avoid them. I have no hesitation in saying that a more erroneous idea could not exist. My experience is that when a _bona fide_ working man finds himself out of employment he very naturally commences to search for fresh employment in his own neighbourhood, but when funds get low he finds he must go further afield to try his luck, and the casual ward must be his hotel. For what reason should he be so treated as to make him prefer the shelter of a barn or rick? Every facility should be given him, but where is there an employer who will start men in the middle of the day when discharged from casual wards?

What about a mid-day meal? _He must beg to live._ He follows it up for a week or two of necessity and he finds it pay. In a few weeks you have a _properly manufactured moucher_." He suggests that in place of casual wards there should be in each munic.i.p.al borough or urban district a State common lodging-house with labour yard, used also as a labour registry, and backed by labour colonies under control of the Prison Commissioners.[48] In 1904, 176 2_s_. 9_d_. covered expenses of 38,998 bread tickets, and administration. He wishes the justices, if they convict, to have no option but to commit for third offence in one year (or on the sixth altogether) for begging, sleeping out, hawking without licence, disorderly conduct, etc. Tramps should be identified by finger-marks. The governor of the prison should on receipt of list of previous convictions re-arrest and charge the man before justices as an habitual vagrant, and the justices should commit to a penal labour colony.[49]

The various experiments of the Church Army, Salvation Army, Lingfield, and other charitable agencies show the existence of a large cla.s.s of men willing to live under restraint and work for bare livelihood. All such charitable agencies however are handicapped by the absence of _compulsion_ at the bottom of our social system. Those on whom it is most necessary to _enforce_ labour throw it up.[50] As experiments these inst.i.tutions are most valuable, but in the absence of definite State provision they themselves often add to the confusion existing, by providing merely temporary control for undesirable cases. A certain amount of eligible deserving cases are rescued, the rest sink down after considerable and disheartening expenditure of time and money.[51] It is impossible for _private_ enterprise to tackle effectually what is the duty of the community as a whole, or to undo the mischief wrought by a radically wrong vagrancy system.

At the same time it is invaluable to know that numbers of men eagerly desire to obtain employment, and that such an inst.i.tution as the labour house connected with Central Hall, Manchester,[52] can be made practically self-supporting, after first cost, by wise management.

_Experiments_ must at first be costly, but pioneer work is necessary to find out what suits English conditions. This is what makes each attempted colony now most valuable. Lingfield appears to be especially so, both as redeeming 40 per cent., as fitting them for emigration, and also training helpers for social service. The capital cost was 160 per head, the cost per man is 33. The inmates received are very debilitated, and their work counts for _nil_ on arrival. Hollesley Bay and Laindon have also been recently established.[53] We must now proceed to consider the question from a national standpoint.