A Half Century of Conflict Volume I Part 10

The fleet consisted of nine s.h.i.+ps of war and two bomb-ketches, with about sixty transports, store-s.h.i.+ps, hospital-s.h.i.+ps, and other vessels, British and provincial. They carried the seven British regiments, numbering, with the artillery train, about fifty-five hundred men, besides six hundred marines and fifteen hundred provincials; counting, with the sailors, nearly twelve thousand in all.[163]

Vetch commanded the provincials, having been brought from Annapolis for that purpose. The great need was of pilots. Every sailor in New England who had seen the St. Lawrence had been pressed into the service, though each and all declared themselves incapable of conducting the fleet to Quebec. Several had no better knowledge of the river than they had picked up when serving as soldiers under Phips twenty-one years before.

The best among them was the veteran Captain Bonner, who afterwards amused his old age by making a plan of Boston, greatly prized by connoisseurs in such matters. Vetch had studied the St. Lawrence in his several visits to Quebec, but, like Bonner, he had gone up the river only in sloops or other small craft, and was, moreover, no sailor. One of Walker's s.h.i.+ps, the "Chester," sent in advance to cruise in the Gulf, had captured a French vessel commanded by one Paradis, an experienced old voyager, who knew the river well. He took a bribe of five hundred pistoles to act as pilot; but the fleet would perhaps have fared better if he had refused the money. He gave such dismal accounts of the Canadian winter that the Admiral could see nothing but ruin ahead, even if he should safely reach his destination. His tribulation is recorded in his Journal. "That which now chiefly took up my thoughts, was contriving how to secure the s.h.i.+ps if we got up to Quebec; for _the ice in the river freezing to the bottom_ would have utterly destroyed and bilged them as much as if they had been squeezed between rocks."[164]

These misgivings may serve to give the measure of his professional judgment. Afterwards, reflecting on the situation, he sees cause for grat.i.tude in his own mishaps; "because, had we arrived safe at Quebec, our provisions would have been reduced to a very small proportion, not exceeding eight or nine weeks at short allowance, so that between ten and twelve thousand men must have been left to perish with the extremity of cold and hunger. I must confess the melancholy contemplation of this (had it happened) strikes me with horror; for how dismal must it have been to have beheld the seas and earth locked up by adamantine frosts, and swoln with high mountains of snow, in a barren and uncultivated region; great numbers of brave men famis.h.i.+ng with hunger, and drawing lots who should die first to feed the rest."[165]

All went well till the eighteenth of August, when there was a strong head-wind, and the s.h.i.+ps ran into the Bay of Gaspe. Two days after, the wind s.h.i.+fted to the southeast, and they set sail again, Walker in his flags.h.i.+p, the "Edgar," being at or near the head of the fleet. On the evening of the twenty-second they were at some distance above the great Island of Anticosti. The river is here about seventy miles wide, and no land had been seen since noon of the day before. There was a strong east wind, with fog. Walker thought that he was not far from the south sh.o.r.e, when in fact he was at least fifty miles from it, and more than half that distance north of his true course. At eight in the evening the Admiral signalled the fleet to bring to, under mizzen and main-topsails, with heads turned southward. At half-past ten, Paddon, the captain of the "Edgar," came to tell him that he saw land which he supposed must be the south sh.o.r.e; on which Walker, in a fatal moment, signalled for the s.h.i.+ps to wear and bring to, with heads northward. He then turned into his berth, and was falling asleep, when a military officer, Captain G.o.ddard, of Seymour's regiment, hastily entered, and begged him to come on deck, saying that there were breakers on all sides. Walker, scornful of a landsman, and annoyed at being disturbed, answered impatiently and would not stir. Soon after, G.o.ddard appeared again, and implored him for Heaven's sake to come up and see for himself, or all would be lost. At the same time the Admiral heard a great noise and trampling, on which he turned out of his berth, put on his dressing-gown and slippers, and going in this attire on deck, found a scene of fright and confusion. At first he could see nothing, and shouted to the men to rea.s.sure them; but just then the fog opened, the moon shone out, and the breaking surf was plainly visible to leeward. The French pilot, who at first could not be found, now appeared on deck, and declared, to the astonishment of both the Admiral and Captain Paddon, that they were off the north sh.o.r.e.

Paddon, in his perplexity, had ordered an anchor to be let go; Walker directed the cable to be cut, and, making all sail, succeeded in beating to windward and gaining an offing.[166]

The s.h.i.+p that carried Colonel King, of the artillery, had a narrow escape. King says that she anch.o.r.ed in a driving rain, "with a shoal of rocks on each quarter within a cable's length of us, which we plainly perceived by the waves breaking over them in a very violent manner."

They were saved by a lull in the gale; for if it had continued with the same violence, he pursues, "our anchors could not have held, and the wind and the vast seas which ran, would have broke our s.h.i.+p into ten thousand pieces against the rocks. All night we heard nothing but s.h.i.+ps firing and showing lights, as in the utmost distress."[167]

Vetch, who was on board the little frigate "Despatch," says that he was extremely uneasy at the course taken by Walker on the night of the storm. "I told Colonel Dudley and Captain Perkins, commander of the 'Despatch,' that I wondered what the Flag meant by that course, and why he did not steer west and west-by-south."[168] The "Despatch" kept well astern, and so escaped the danger. Vetch heard through the fog guns firing signals of distress; but three days pa.s.sed before he knew how serious the disaster was. The s.h.i.+ps of war had all escaped; but eight British transports, one store-s.h.i.+p, and one sutler's sloop were dashed to pieces.[169] "It was lamentable to hear the shrieks of the sinking, drowning, departing souls," writes the New England commissary, Sheaf, who was very near sharing their fate.

The disaster took place at and near a rocky island, with adjacent reefs, lying off the north sh.o.r.e and called Isle aux Oeufs. On the second day after it happened, Walker was told by the master of one of the wrecked transports that eight hundred and eighty-four soldiers had been lost, and he gives this hasty estimate in his published Journal; though he says in his Introduction to it that the total loss of officers, soldiers, and sailors was scarcely nine hundred.[170] According to a later and more trustworthy statement, the loss of the troops was twenty-nine officers, six hundred and seventy-six sergeants, corporals, drummers, and private soldiers, and thirty-five women attached to the regiments; that is, a total of seven hundred and forty lives.[171] The loss of the sailors is not given; but it could scarcely have exceeded two hundred.

The fleet spent the next two days in standing to and fro between the northern and southern sh.o.r.es, with the exception of some of the smaller vessels employed in bringing off the survivors from the rocks of Isle aux Oeufs. The number thus saved was, according to Walker, four hundred and ninety-nine. On the twenty-fifth he went on board the General's s.h.i.+p, the "Windsor," and Hill and he resolved to call a council of war. In fact, Hill had already got his colonels together.

Signals were made for the captains of the men-of-war to join them, and the council began.

"Jack Hill," the man about town, placed in high command by the influence of his sister, the Queen's tire-woman, had now an opportunity to justify his appointment and prove his mettle. Many a man of pleasure and fas.h.i.+on, when put to the proof, has revealed the latent hero within him; but Hill was not one of them. Both he and Walker seemed to look for nothing but a pretext for retreat; and when manhood is conspicuously wanting in the leaders, a council of war is rarely disposed to supply it. The pilots were called in and examined, and they all declared themselves imperfectly acquainted with the St. Lawrence, which, as some of the captains observed, they had done from the first. Sir William Phips, with pilots still more ignorant, had safely carried his fleet to Quebec in 1690, as Walker must have known, for he had with him Phips's Journal of the voyage. The expedition had lost about a twelfth part of its soldiers and sailors, besides the transports that carried them; with this exception there was no reason for retreat which might not as well have been put forward when the fleet left Boston. All the war-s.h.i.+ps were safe, and the loss of men was not greater than might have happened in a single battle. Hill says that Vetch, when asked if he would pilot the fleet to Quebec, refused to undertake it;[172] but Vetch himself gives his answer as follows: "I told him [the Admiral] I never was bred to sea, nor was it any part of my province; but I would do my best by going ahead and showing them where the difficulty of the river was, which I knew pretty well."[173] The naval captains, however, resolved that by reason of the ignorance of the pilots and the dangerous currents it was impossible to go up to Quebec.[174] So discreditable a backing out from a great enterprise will hardly be found elsewhere in English annals. On the next day Vetch, disappointed and indignant, gave his mind freely to the Admiral. "The late disaster cannot, in my humble opinion, be anyways imputed to the difficulty of the navigation, but to the wrong course we steered, which most unavoidably carried us upon the north sh.o.r.e. Who directed that course you best know; and as our return without any further attempt would be a vast reflection upon the conduct of this affair, so it would be of very fatal consequence to the interest of the Crown and all the British colonies upon this continent."[175] His protest was fruitless. The fleet retraced its course to the gulf, and then steered for Spanish River,--now the harbor of Sydney,--in the Island of Cape Breton; the Admiral consoling himself with the reflection that the wreck was a blessing in disguise and a merciful intervention of Providence to save the expedition from the freezing, starvation, and cannibalism which his imagination had conjured up.[176]

The frigate "Sapphire" was sent to Boston with news of the wreck and the retreat, which was at once despatched to Nicholson, who, if he continued his movement on Montreal, would now be left to conquer Canada alone. His force consisted of about twenty-three hundred men, white and red, and when the fatal news reached him he was encamped on Wood Creek, ready to pa.s.s Lake Champlain. Captain Butler, a New York officer at the camp, afterwards told Kalm, the Swedish naturalist, that when Nicholson heard what had happened, he was beside himself with rage, tore off his wig, threw it on the ground and stamped upon it, crying out, "Roguery!

Treachery!"[177] When his fit was over, he did all that was now left for him to do,--burned the wooden forts he had built, marched back to Albany, and disbanded his army, after leaving one hundred and fifty men to protect the frontier against scalping-parties.[178]

Canada had been warned of the storm gathering against her. Early in August, Vaudreuil received letters from Costebelle, at Placentia, telling him that English prisoners had reported mighty preparations at Boston against Quebec, and that Montreal was also to be attacked.[179]

The colony was ill prepared for the emergency, but no effort was spared to give the enemy a warm reception. The militia were mustered, Indians called together, troops held in readiness, and defences strengthened.

The saints were invoked, and the aid of Heaven was implored by ma.s.ses, processions, and penances, as in New England by a dismal succession of fasts. Mother Juchereau de Saint-Denis tells us how devout Canadians prayed for help from G.o.d and the most holy Virgin; "since their glory was involved, seeing that the true religion would quickly perish if the English should prevail." The general alarm produced effects which, though transient, were thought highly commendable while they lasted. The ladies, according to Mother Juchereau, gave up their ornaments, and became more modest and more pious. "Those of Montreal," pursues the worthy nun, "even outdid those of Quebec; for they bound themselves by oath to wear neither ribbons nor lace, to keep their throats covered, and to observe various holy practices for the s.p.a.ce of a year." The recluse of Montreal, Mademoiselle Le Ber, who, by reason of her morbid seclusion and ascetic life, was accounted almost a saint, made a flag embroidered with a prayer to the Virgin, to be borne against the heretical bands of Nicholson.

When that commander withdrew, his retreat, though not the cause of it, was quickly known at Montreal, and the forces gathered there went down to Quebec to aid in repelling the more formidable attack by sea. Here all was suspense and expectancy till the middle of October, when the report came that two large s.h.i.+ps had been seen in the river below. There was great excitement, for they were supposed to be the van of the British fleet; but alarm was soon turned to joy by the arrival of the s.h.i.+ps, which proved to be French. On the nineteenth, the Sieur de la Valterie, who had come from Labrador in September, and had been sent down the river again by Vaudreuil to watch for the English fleet, appeared at Quebec with tidings of joy. He had descended the St.

Lawrence in a canoe, with two Frenchmen and an Indian, till, landing at Isle aux Oeufs on the first of October, they met two French sailors or fishermen loaded with plunder, and presently discovered the wrecks of seven English s.h.i.+ps, with, as they declared, fifteen or sixteen hundred dead bodies on the strand hard by, besides dead horses, sheep, dogs, and hens, three or four hundred large iron-hooped casks, a barrel of wine and a barrel and a keg of brandy, cables, anchors, chains, planks, boards, shovels, picks, mattocks, and piles of old iron three feet high.[180]

"The least devout," writes Mother Juchereau, "were touched by the grandeur of the miracle wrought in our behalf,--a marvellous effect of G.o.d's love for Canada, which, of all these countries, is the only one that professes the true religion."

Quebec was not ungrateful. A solemn ma.s.s was ordered every month during a year, to be followed by the song of Moses after the destruction of Pharaoh and his host.[181] Amazing reports were spread concerning the losses of the English. About three thousand of "these wretches"--so the story ran--died after reaching land, without counting the mult.i.tudes drowned in the attempt; and even this did not satisfy divine justice, for G.o.d blew up one of the s.h.i.+ps by lightning during the storm. Vessels were sent to gather up the spoils of the wreck, and they came back, it was reported, laden with marvellous treasures, including rich clothing, magnificent saddles, plate, silver-hilted swords, and the like; bringing also the gratifying announcement that though the autumn tides had swept away many corpses, more than two thousand still lay on the rocks, naked and in att.i.tudes of despair.[182] These stories, repeated by later writers, find believers to this day.[183]

When Walker and his s.h.i.+ps reached Spanish River, he called another council of war. The question was whether, having failed to take Quebec, they should try to take Placentia; and it was resolved that the short supply of provisions, the impossibility of getting more from Boston before the first of November, and the risks of the autumnal storms, made the attempt impracticable. Accordingly, the New England transports sailed homeward, and the British fleet steered for the Thames.

Swift writes on the sixth of October in his Journal to Stella: "The news of Mr. Hill's miscarriage in his expedition came to-day, and I went to visit Mrs. Masham and Mrs. Hill, his two sisters, to condole with them."

A week after, he mentions the arrival of the general himself; and again on the sixteenth writes thus: "I was to see Jack Hill this morning, who made that unfortunate expedition; and there is still more misfortune, for that s.h.i.+p which was admiral of his fleet [the "Edgar"] is blown up in the Thames by an accident and carelessness of some rogue, who was going, as they think, to steal some gunpowder: five hundred men are lost."

A report of this crowning disaster reached Quebec, and Mother Juchereau does not fail to improve it. According to her, the Admiral, stricken with divine justice, and wrought to desperation, blew up the s.h.i.+p himself, and perished with all on board, except only two men.

There was talk of an examination into the causes of the failure, but nothing was done. Hill, strong in the influence of Mrs. Masham, reaped new honors and offices. Walker, more answerable for the result, and less fortunate in court influence, was removed from command, and his name was stricken from the half-pay list. He did not, however, blow himself up, but left England and emigrated to South Carolina, whence, thinking himself ill-treated by the authorities, he removed to Barbadoes, and died some years later.[184]

FOOTNOTES:

[147] _Rapport de Costebelle, 14 Octobre, 1709._ _Ibid., 3 Decembre, 1709._

[148] "Je ne les crois pas a.s.sez aveugles pour ne point s'apercevoir qu'insensiblement ils vont subir le joug du parlement de la vieille Angleterre, mais par les cruautes que les Canadiens et sauvages exercent sur leurs terres par des courses continuelles je juge qu'ils aiment encore mieux se delivrer de l'inhumanite de semblables voisins que de conserver toute l'ancienne autorite de leur pet.i.te republique."--_Costebelle au Ministre, 3 Decembre, 1710._ He clung tenaciously to this idea, and wrote again in 1712 that "les cruautes de nos sauvages, qui font horreur a rapporter," would always incline the New England people to peace. They had, however, an opposite effect.

[149] It is more than probable that La Ronde Denys, who had studied the "Bastonnais" with care, first gave the idea to Costebelle.

[150] _Ponchartrain a Vaudreuil, 10 Aout, 1710._ _Ponchartrain a Costebelle, meme date._ These letters are in answer to the reports of Costebelle, before cited.

[151] _Costebelle a Ponchartrain, 3 Decembre, 1710._

[152] _Instruction pour Monsieur de la Ronde, Capitaine d'Infanterie des Detachements de la Marine_, 1711. "Le dit sieur de la Ronde pourroit entrer en negociation et se promettre de faire cesser toutes sortes d'hostilites du cote du Canada, suppose que les Bastonnais promissent d'en faire de meme de leur cote, et qu'ils ne dona.s.sent aucun secours a l'avenir, d'hommes ni de vaisseaux, aux puissances de la vieille Angleterre et d'Ecosse."

[153] "La vieille Angleterre ne s'imaginera pas que ces diverses Provinces se reuniront, et, secouant le joug de la monarchie Anglaise, s'erigeront en democratie."--_Memoire sur la Nouvelle Angleterre_, 1710, 1711. (Archives de la Marine.)

[154] "Pour Baston, il faudrait la piller, ruiner ses ateliers, ses manufactures, tous ses beaux etabliss.e.m.e.nts, couler bas ses navires, ...

ruiner les ateliers de construction de navires."--_Memoire sur la Nouvelle Angleterre_, 1710, 1711. The writer was familiar with Boston and its neighborhood, and had certainly spent some time there. Possibly he was no other than La Ronde Denys himself, after the failure of his mission to excite the "Bastonnais" to refuse co-operation with British armaments. He enlarges with bitterness on the extent of the fisheries, foreign trade, and s.h.i.+p-building of New England.

[155] See Swift, _Conduct of the Allies_.

[156] Boston, devoted to fis.h.i.+ng, s.h.i.+pbuilding, and foreign trade, drew most of its provisions from neighboring colonies. (Dummer, _Letter to a n.o.ble Lord_.) The people only half believed that the Tory ministry were sincere in attacking Canada, and suspected that the sudden demand for provisions, so difficult to meet at once, was meant to furnish a pretext for throwing the blame of failure upon Ma.s.sachusetts. Hutchinson, ii.

173.

[157] _Minutes of Proceedings of the Congress of Governors, June, 1711._

[158] _Walker to Burchett, Secretary of the Admiralty, 14 August, 1711._

[159] _Abstract of the Journal of the Governor, Council, and a.s.sembly of the Province of the Ma.s.sachusetts Bay._

[160] _King to Secretary St. John, 25 July, 1711._

[161] The number demanded from Ma.s.sachusetts was one thousand, and that raised by her was eleven hundred and sixty. _Dudley to Walker, 27 July, 1711._

[162] Walker prints this letter in his Journal. Colonel King writes in his own Journal: "The conquest of Canada will naturally lead the Queen into changing their present disorderly government;" and he thinks that the conviction of this made the New Englanders indifferent to the success of the expedition.

[163] The above is drawn from the various lists and tables in Walker, _Journal of the Canada Expedition_. The armed s.h.i.+ps that entered Boston in June were fifteen in all; but several had been detached for cruising.

The number of British transports, store-s.h.i.+ps, etc., was forty, the rest being provincial.

[164] Walker, _Journal; Introduction_.

[165] _Ibid._, 25.

[166] Walker, _Journal_, 124, 125.

[167] King, _Journal_.

[168] Vetch, _Journal_.

[169] King, _Journal_.

[170] Compare Walker, _Journal_, 45, and _Ibid._, 127, 128. He elsewhere intimates that his first statement needed correction.

[171] _Report of ye Soldiers, etc., Lost._ (Public Record Office.) This is a tabular statement, giving the names of the commissioned officers and the positions of their subordinates, regiment by regiment. All the French accounts of the losses are exaggerations.