The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis Part 11

[Footnote 177: S??e???? ????????.] The lighted fires served as signals, by means of which the Carduchi could keep an eye on one another.

_Kuhner_.]

[Footnote 178: ???? e? t?? t? ???e?e?, ?. t. ?.] "Except if any one concealed anything, either coveting a youth or woman of the handsome ones"]

[Footnote 179: ??? sp???d??.] See note on iii. 3. 20.]

[Footnote 180: ???a???? ?a? pe?tast?? ?a? t?? ?p??t??.] H. e.

_Centuriones et ex peltastis et ex militibus gravis armaturae_. Kuhner.

?e?tast?? is to be taken as an epithet; compare ????t?? ta??a????, sect. 28.]

CHAPTER II.

One of the prisoners is forced to guide them to an eminence, from which they dislodge the Carduchi. But they are still hara.s.sed, and the rear suffers severely.

1. It was now afternoon, and the generals[181] desired the party to take some refreshment and set forward. Having bound the guide, they put him into their hands, and arranged with them, that, if they should gain the summit, they should keep guard at that post during the night, and give a signal by trumpet at break of day, and that those on the height should then charge the enemy in possession of the apparent egress,[182] and those below should issue forth and come in a body to their a.s.sistance as soon as they were able.

2. When they had made this arrangement, the party set out, being in number about two thousand; and there was heavy rain at the time.

Xenophon, taking the rear-guard, led them towards the apparent egress, in order that the enemy might turn their attention in that direction, and that those who were going round might as much as possible escape notice. 3. But when the rear-guard came to a ravine, which they had to pa.s.s to gain the ascent, the Barbarians then rolled down ma.s.ses of rock,[183] each big enough to load a waggon, with other stones greater and smaller, which, striking in their descent against the rocks, were hurled abroad in all directions;[184] and it was utterly impossible even to approach the pa.s.s. 4. Some of the captains, when they could not succeed in this part, made attempts in another, and continued their efforts till darkness came on. When they thought that they might retire un.o.bserved, they went to get their supper; for the rear-guard had been dinnerless that day. The enemy, however, being evidently in fear, continued to roll down stones through the whole of the night, as it was easy to conjecture from the noise. 5. Those, meanwhile, who had the guide, taking a circuitous route, surprised a guard of the enemy sitting round a fire, and, having killed some of them, and put the rest to flight, remained on the spot, with the notion that they were in possession of the summit. 6. But in possession of it they were not; for there was a small hill above them, round which lay the narrow pa.s.s, at which the guard had been posted. However, there was a way from thence to that party of the enemy who were stationed at the open egress. 7. Here they remained during the night.

As soon as day began to dawn, they advanced in regular order, and with silence, against the enemy; and as there was a mist, they came close upon them before they were perceived. But when they caught sight of one another, the trumpet sounded on the side of the Greeks, who, raising the shout of battle, rushed upon the enemy. The Barbarians did not stand their charge, but quitted the pa.s.s and fled; only a few of them were killed, for they were active in moving off. 8. At the same time the party of Cheirisophus, hearing the sound of the trumpet, marched immediately up the plain track; while others of the officers proceeded by untrodden paths, where each happened to be, and, climbing up as well as they could, drew up one another with their spears; 9. and these were the first to join those who had secured the position. Xenophon, with the half of the rear-guard, went up by the same way as those who had the guide; for it was the most practicable for the baggage-cattle; the other half he ordered to come up behind the cattle. 10. In their way they came to a hill overhanging the road, which was occupied by the enemy, whom they must either dislodge or be separated from the rest of the Greeks.

The men themselves, indeed, might have gone the same way as the rest of the army, but the baggage-cattle could ascend by no other route than this. 11. Encouraging one another, therefore, they made an attack upon the hill in files,[185] not on every side, but leaving a way of escape for the enemy, if they should be inclined to flee. 12. For a while, as they were making their way as each best could, the Barbarians shot arrows and threw stones at them, but did not receive them in close encounter, and at last abandoned the place entirely.

The Greeks had no sooner pa.s.sed the hill, than they caught sight of another before them occupied also by the enemy. Upon this hill it was resolved likewise to make an a.s.sault. 13. But Xenophon, apprehending that, if he left the hill which they had taken unguarded, the enemy, recovering it, might attack the baggage-cattle as they were pa.s.sing, (for the train of baggage-cattle reached a great distance, as they were marching along a narrow path,) left upon the hill the captains Cephisodorus the son of Cephisophon, an Athenian, Amphicrates the son of Amphidemus, an Athenian, and Archagoras, an exile from Argos, while he himself, with the others, directed his march upon the second hill, which they also captured in a similar manner. 14. However, there was still a third hill left for them to take, which was by far the steepest of the whole; this was an eminence that overhung the post where the guard was surprised in the night by the volunteers. 15. But as the Greeks came up, the Barbarians deserted the hill without attempting any defence, so that all were surprised, and suspected that they had left their position from fear of being surrounded and besieged in it. But the truth was, that having observed from the eminence what had pa.s.sed behind, they all went off with the intention of attacking the rear.

16. Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, ascended to the top, and ordered the rest to march on slowly, so that the companies in the rear might join them; and he directed them, after proceeding some distance, to halt under arms, on a level piece of ground. 17. At this juncture Aristagoras the Argive came fleeing from the enemy, and said that the Greeks were driven from the first hill, and that Cephisodorus, and Amphicrates, and all the rest, who had not leaped from the rock, and joined the rear-guard, had been killed. 18. The Barbarians, after this success, appeared upon an eminence opposite the third hill, and Xenophon began to treat with them, through an interpreter, about making a truce, and called upon them to give up the dead. 19. They replied, that they would give them up on condition that he would not burn their villages.

To this Xenophon agreed. But while the rest of the army was pa.s.sing on, and these were discussing the terms of a truce, all the Barbarians from that part of the country had flocked together. Here the enemy made a stand; 20. and when Xenophon's party began to descend the hill, to join the others where the heavy-armed troops were drawn up,[186] they came forward in great numbers and with loud shouts. When they had reached the top of the hill from which Xenophon was descending, they rolled down stones, and broke the leg of one man; and Xenophon's s.h.i.+eld-bearer deserted him, carrying off his s.h.i.+eld, 21. but Eurylochus, an Arcadian from Lusia,[187] a heavy-armed soldier, ran to his support, and went on holding his s.h.i.+eld before them both; and the rest went to join those who were already drawn up.

22. The entire Grecian force was now together, and took up their quarters in a number of good houses, and in the midst of abundance of provisions. Wine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations under ground, which were plastered over.[188] 23. Xenophon and Cheirisophus now made an agreement with the enemy, that on receiving the dead bodies they should give up the guide; and they performed all funeral rites for the deceased, as far as they could, according to what is usually done at the interment of brave men. 24. The next day they proceeded without a guide; and the enemy, sometimes by skirmis.h.i.+ng, and sometimes, where there was a narrow pa.s.s, by pre-occupying it, endeavoured to obstruct their progress. 25. Whenever therefore they impeded the front, Xenophon, ascending the hills from the rear, endeavoured to break through the opposition made in that quarter, trying always to reach higher ground than the obstructing enemy; 26. and when they a.s.sailed the rear, Cheirisophus, quitting his place, and striving also to get above the enemy, removed the obstruction that was offered to the pa.s.sage of that part of the army. Thus they relieved and supported each other with effect. 27. Sometimes, too, when the Greeks had ascended eminences, the Barbarians gave them great annoyance in their descent; and, as they were nimble, they could escape, though they had but a very short start of us;[189] for they were enc.u.mbered with no other weapons than bows and slings. 28. As archers they were very expert, and had bows nearly three cubits long, and arrows above two cubits; and they drew the string, whenever they discharged their arrows, advancing the left foot[190]

against the lower extremity of the bow. Their arrows penetrated through s.h.i.+elds and corslets; and the Greeks, taking them up, made use of them as javelins, fixing thongs to them.[191] In these parts the Cretans were of the greatest service. Stratocles, a Cretan, had the command of them.

[Footnote 181: Xenophon and Cheirisophus. _Kuhner_.]

[Footnote 182: ??? fa?e??? ??as??.] Xenophon calls the pa.s.sage to the top of the mountain an ??as??, or egress, with reference to the Greeks, to whom it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position. _Kuhner_ ad c. 5. 20. The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the next sect.]

[Footnote 183: ????t??????.] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying properly _a round stone fit for rolling_, or _a stone that has been made round by rolling_, as a pebble in the sea. It was originally an adjective, with p?t??? understood. Most critics suppose it to be from ???? and t????, _totus teres atque rotundus_. Liddell and Scott derive it from e???, _volvo_. See Theocr. xxii. 49.]

[Footnote 184: ??esfe?d????t?.] "s.h.i.+vered in pieces, and flew about as if hurled by a sling."]

[Footnote 185: ??????? t??? ??????.] Each ????? or company marching in file or column, so that the depth of the ????? was equal to the number of soldiers of which it consisted. _Sturz_. This is the interpretation adopted by Kuhner. Yet it Would be hard to prove that ?????? ?????

always meant _single file_; the term seems to have included any form of a company in which the number of men in depth exceeded the number in front.]

[Footnote 186: ?? ?p?a ??e??t?.] See sect. 16. The heavy-armed men had halted on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them.

See Kuhner ad i. 5. 14.]

[Footnote 187: A small town of Arcadia, to the north-west of c.l.i.tor.]

[Footnote 188: ?? ??????? ????at???.] The Athenians and other Greeks used to make large excavations under ground, some round, some square, and, covering them over with plaster, laid up their wine and oil in them; they called them ??????. Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccl., cited by Hutchinson. Spelman translates ?????? ????at??, "plastered cisterns," a term which Ainsworth adopts. "The plastered cisterns noticed by Xenophon," says he, "are also met with throughout Kurdistan, Armenia, and Syria. They are especially numerous around some of the ancient villages of the early Christians of those countries, as more especially between Semesat and Bireh-jik, and have frequently been a subject of discussion as to their former uses. This notice of Xenophon serves to clear up many doubts upon the subject, although, since the Kurds have become Mohommedans, and rejected the use of wine, there is no doubt they are sometimes used for depots for corn or hay, and even sometimes for water. They were generally closed by a single large stone." _Travels in the Track, &c._ p. 164.]

[Footnote 189: ?????e? fe????te?.] "Fleeing from near," i. e. when they were at no great distance before us.]

[Footnote 190: ?? ???ste?? p?d? p??sa????te?.] All the ma.n.u.scripts have p??sa????te?: p??sa????te? is a conjecture of Wesseling ad Diod. Sic.

iii. 8, which all the recent editors have adopted, but by which it does not appear that anything is gained, as p??? t? ??t? t?? t???? precedes.

Spelman, who was himself an archer, has ill.u.s.trated the pa.s.sage very clearly by a quotation from Arrian, Indie. 16: "Resting one end of the bow upon the ground, and stepping forward with the left foot, (t? p?d?

t? ???ste?? ??t???te?,) they thus discharge the arrow, drawing the string a long way back, the arrow being nearly three cubits long." See also Diod. Sic. l. c., where he speaks of the archery of the aethiopians; Strabo, xvi. p. 1117; Suidas in ??ae?, cited by Weiske. Schneider and Halbkart, strangely enough, think that Xenophon is speaking of _cross-bows_, which few besides themselves have supposed to have been known in Xenophon's time.]

[Footnote 191: ??a??????te?.] "Fitting them with ?????a?." The ?????? is generally supposed to be the same with the Latin _amentum_, a strap or loop fastened to the middle of a javelin, or the shaft of a spear, that it might be hurled with the greater force. The writer of the article _Ansa_ in Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. thinks, however that the two were not the same.]

CHAPTER III.

The Greeks arrive at the river Centrites, which divides the Carduchi from Armenia. They see the Persians drawn up on the opposite bank, while the Carduchi threaten their rear. They are encouraged by a dream of Xenophon's to try a ford, and effect a safe pa.s.sage across the stream.

1. This day the Greeks abode in the villages above the plain near the river Centrites, the breadth of which is about two hundred feet, and which forms the boundary between Armenia and the territory of the Carduchi. Here they took some rest, being glad to see a piece of level country. The river is distant from the mountains of the Carduchi about six or seven stadia. 2. It was with great satisfaction that they stayed here, as they had a sufficiency of provisions, and were frequently reflecting on the difficulties that were past, for, during seven days that they had been marching among the Carduchi, they had been constantly fighting, and had suffered more evils than all those which they had endured from the king and Tissaphernes.[192] Having escaped from such hards.h.i.+ps, they gladly took repose.

3. At day-break, however, they perceived on the other side of the river a body of cavalry, in complete armour, ready to prevent them from crossing, and on the high banks above the cavalry, another of foot prepared to hinder them from entering Armenia. 4. These were Armenians, Mardians, and Chaldaeans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuchas.[193]

The Chaldaeans were said to be a free people, and warlike; for arms they had long s.h.i.+elds and spears. 5. The high banks on which these forces were drawn up, were three or four hundred feet from the river; and the only road that was visible was one that led upward, apparently a work of art. Here the Greeks endeavoured to cross, 6. but as, on making trial, the water rose above their b.r.e.a.s.t.s, and the bed of the river was rough with large and slippery stones, and as it was impossible for them to carry their arms in the water, or, if they attempted to do so, the river swept them away, (while, if any of them took their arms on their heads, they became exposed to the arrows and other missiles of the enemy,) they in consequence retreated, and encamped at the side of the river.

7. They now perceived the Carduchi a.s.sembled in great numbers under arms on the spot where they themselves had been on the previous night. Hence great despondency was felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty of pa.s.sing the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them if they attempted to cross. 8. This day, therefore, and the following night, they remained where they were in great perplexity. Xenophon however had a dream; he thought that he was bound in fetters, but that they fell off him of their own accord, so that he was set at liberty, and walked securely[194] whithersoever he pleased. 9. When the morning approached, he went to Cheirisophus, told him that he had hopes that all would be well, and related to him his dream. Cheirisophus was much pleased, and, as soon as it was day, all the generals who were present offered sacrifice, and the victims were favourable at the very first. As soon as they left the place of sacrifice, the generals and captains gave directions to the troops to take their breakfast.

10. While Xenophon was at breakfast, two young men came running up to him, for every one knew that it was allowable to approach him whether breakfasting or supping, and to wake him and speak to him even when asleep, if they had anything to tell of affairs relating to the war. 11.

The youths informed him that they had been gathering sticks for their fire, and had chanced to see, on the opposite side of the river, among the rocks that reached down to the stream itself, an old man, a woman, and some girls, depositing in a cavernous rock what appeared to be bags of clothes; 12. that when they saw this, they thought it would be safe to cross, as the ground at that point was inaccessible to the enemy's horse; that having taken off their clothes, and taken their daggers in their hands, they went over undressed, in expectation of having to swim, but that, as they went on, they reached the other side before they were wet to the middle, and, having thus forded the stream, and taken the clothes, they came back again. 13. Xenophon immediately therefore made a libation, and ordered the young men to join in it,[195] and to pray to the G.o.ds who had sent the dream and pointed out the ford, to complete what was wanting to their success. After the libation, he at once conducted the youths to Cheirisophus, and to him they gave the same account. Cheirisophus, on hearing it, made a libation also.

14. When the libation was over, they gave orders to the soldiers to get their baggage ready; while they themselves, calling the rest of the generals together, consulted with them how they might cross the river to the best advantage, and how they might defeat the enemy in front, and suffer no damage from those in the rear. 15. It was then resolved that Cheirisophus should take the lead, and cross over with half of the army, that the other half should stay behind with Xenophon, and that the baggage-cattle and camp-followers should go over between the two. 16.

When these matters were fairly arranged, they began to move, the young men acting as guides, and keeping the river on the left, the distance to the ford being about four stadia. 17. As they proceeded, the lines of the enemy's cavalry advanced abreast of them on the opposite bank; and when they came to the ford, and the margin of the river, they halted, laying down their arms; and then Cheirisophus himself, placing a chaplet upon his head,[196] and laying aside his outer garments, took up his arms and commanded the rest to follow his example, directing the captains to lead their troops in files,[197] some on his left hand, and some on his right. 18. The augurs at the same time sacrificed victims over the river;[198] while the enemy plied their bows and slings, but did not reach the Greeks. 19. As the sacrifices appeared favourable, all the soldiers sung the paean and raised a shout, and all the women (for there were a number of the men's mistresses in the army) joined in the cry.

20. Cheirisophus and his men then entered the stream; and Xenophon, taking the most active of the rear-guard, marched at full speed back to the ford[199] opposite the outlet into the mountains of Armenia, making a feint that he meant to cross the river there, and thus cut off the cavalry that were on the bank; 21. when the enemy, seeing Cheirisophus and his men crossing over with ease, and Xenophon and his party hurrying back, were afraid of being intercepted, and fled with precipitation to gain the outlet that led up from the river, and as soon as they came to that pa.s.sage, they directed their course up into the mountains. 22.

Lycius, who had the command of the troop of horse, and aeschines, who commanded the band of peltasts attending on Cheirisophus, seeing the enemy retreating with so much haste, set off in pursuit of them; and the rest of the soldiers called to each other not to stay behind,[200] but to go along with them up the mountains. 23. But Cheirisophus, when he had crossed the river, did not follow the cavalry, but made his way up the high banks that reached down to the river, to attack that portion of the enemy that were on the more elevated ground.[201] This party on the heights, however, seeing their cavalry take to flight, abandoned their commanding position above the stream.

24. Xenophon, when he saw that all was going well on the other side, returned with all possible speed to join that part of the army which was crossing over; for the Carduchi were evidently descending into the plain, with the view of falling upon the rear. 25. Cheirisophus was now in possession of the heights, and Lycius, who, with his small party, had proceeded in pursuit of the enemy, had captured some of their baggage that they had left behind, and amongst it some rich garments and drinking-cups. 26. The baggage and camp-followers of the Greeks were still in the act of crossing; and Xenophon, turning towards the Carduchi, halted under arms over against them, and ordered the captains to form each his own company into divisions of five and twenty men, bringing round each division in line[202] towards the left; and he directed both the captains, and the officers of the divisions of five and twenty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and the rearmost to halt facing the river.

27. The Carduchi, when they observed that the rear-guard of the camp-followers was diminished in number, and that they seemed now indeed to be but few, advanced at a quicker pace, singing at the same time certain songs. Cheirisophus, when he saw that all was safe on his own side, sent the peltasts, and the slingers and archers, to Xenophon, desiring them to do whatsoever he should direct. 28. Xenophon, seeing them beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire that they should remain by the river where they were, without crossing, and that, when his own party should begin to cross, they should come forward into the water on each side opposite to him, the javelin-men holding their weapons by the thong,[203] and the archers with their arrows on the string, as if with the intention of crossing over, but not to advance far into the river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a sling should reach them and a s.h.i.+eld should ring,[204] to raise the paean and rush towards the enemy; and he directed that when the enemy should take to flight, and the trumpeter should sound the signal of attack[205] from the river, the rear should wheel to the right and take the lead, and that they should then all run forward as fast as possible, and cross over at the part where each happened to be stationed, so as not to impede one another; telling them that he would be the best man who should first reach the opposite side. 30. The Carduchi, seeing that those who were left were but few, (for many even of those who had been ordered to stay had gone away, some to take care of the cattle, some of their baggage, and others of their mistresses,) began, in consequence, to press forward boldly, and to use their slings and bows. 31. The Greeks then sang the paean, and rushed upon them at full speed; and the Barbarians did not stand their charge; for though they were well enough equipped for a sudden onset and retreat upon the mountains, they were by no means sufficiently armed to receive an enemy hand to hand. At this juncture the trumpeter sounded, 32. when the enemy fled still faster, and the Greeks, turning in the opposite direction, made their way over the river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the enemy, perceiving this movement, ran back to the river, and wounded a few of our men with their arrows; but the greater number of them, even when the Greeks were on the other side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. The troops, meanwhile, that came to meet Xenophon, being carried away by their courage, and advancing too far, repa.s.sed the river in the rear of Xenophon's men; and some of these also were wounded.

[Footnote 192: Yet "the Carduchian mountains," observes Rennell, "in effect presented an asylum to the Greeks, who could no other way have escaped, at least, the reiterated attacks of such a host of enemies, whose numbers also were augmenting instead of diminis.h.i.+ng. But as a Persian army could not subsist, or their cavalry act, within the wide range of these mountains, the Greeks, by ascending them, got rid of their dreaded enemy. And although, in the mean time, they had to contend with an enemy much more brave and persevering, their numbers were fewer, and they might reasonably expect an earlier escape from them than from the Persians. Had they known that the Tigris was fordable under the Zaco hills, and pa.s.sed into Mesopotamia, they would still have had the Euphrates to cross, a yet more difficult river, in the line which they must have pursued. Therefore, according to our limited view of things, it appears that nothing less than such a barrier as these mountains presented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual destruction, from the attacks of the Persians." _Ill.u.s.trations of the Exp. of Curas_, p.

173.]

[Footnote 193: Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17; Artuchas is nowhere else mentioned.]

[Footnote 194: ??aa??e??.] "Ingredi, pedem proferre." _Kuhner_. His fetters being removed, he was able to put his legs _apart_, and walk _with stability_; as is indicated, says Weiske, by the preposition d??.]

[Footnote 195: ???e??.] This pa.s.sage is commonly taken thus: ????e?e t??? ?ea??s???? ???e??, "he ordered the young men to pour (wine) into (the cup for themselves)," for the purpose of making a libation. Kuhner, however, makes it ??e?e?e (t??? pe?? a?t??) ???e?? t??? ?ea??s????, he ordered those about him (the attendants) to pour into the cup for the young men. The former mode is the more simple, ?e?e?? being sometimes found with the dative, and agrees better with what follows.]

[Footnote 196: Stefa??s?e???.] According to the custom of the Lacedaemonians, of which Xenophon speaks de Repub. Lacedaem. 13. 8; h.e.l.len. iv. 2. 12; see also Plutarch, Lycurg. c. 22. _Schneider_.]