The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis Part 9
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[Footnote 137: ?pe?d? ?a? ?a?eda?????? ?st?.] The ?a?, _also_, refers to something understood: "since he is not only a brave man, but also a Lacedaemonian." _Kuhner_. The Lacedaemonians were then at the head of Greece: comp. v. 9. 26; vi. 6. 12. _Zeune_.]
CHAPTER III.
The Greeks are visited by Mithridates as a friend, but he soon shows that he is an enemy, and they resolve to enter into no further negotiations with the Persian king. They pa.s.s the Zabatus, are hara.s.sed by Mithridates, and suffer from the want of slingers and cavalry. Volunteers are enrolled for these services.
1. When this speech was concluded, they rose up, and went off to burn their carriages and tents; of their superfluous baggage they divided among themselves such portions as any needed, and threw the rest into the fire. Having done this, they went to breakfast. While they were at their meal, Mithridates rode up to them with about thirty hors.e.m.e.n and requesting the generals to come within hearing, spoke as follows: 2. "I was faithful to Cyrus, O men of Greece, as you yourselves know; I am now well disposed towards you; and I am living here under great apprehensions; if therefore I should find that you are concerting any safe scheme for your deliverance, I would come and join you, bringing with me all my followers. Let me know, therefore, what you have in contemplation, as one who is your friend and well-wisher, and who is willing to march along with you." 3. The generals, after consulting together, resolved on returning the following answer; and Cheirisophus delivered it: "It is our determination, if no one hinders us from returning home, to proceed through the country with as little injury to it as possible; but if any one opposes us on our march, to fight our way against him as vigorously as we can." 4. Mithridates then endeavoured to convince them how impracticable it was to escape without the king's consent. But it was now concluded that he was insidiously sent; for one of the followers of Tissaphernes was in attendance on him to insure his fidelity.[138] 5. In consequence, it was thought right by the generals to pa.s.s a resolution that the war should be such as to admit of no intercourse by heralds;[139] for those that came tried to corrupt the soldiers, and succeeded in seducing one of the captains, Nicarchus an Arcadian, and he deserted in the night with about twenty men.
6. Having then dined, and crossed the river Zabatus, they marched on in regular order, keeping the baggage-cattle and camp-followers in the centre. But before they had gone far, Mithridates made his appearance again with about two hundred cavalry and about four hundred archers and slingers, very light and active troops. 7. He advanced towards the Greeks as a friend, but, when he came near, some of his men, both horse and foot, suddenly discharged their arrows, and others used their slings, and wounded some of our men. The rear of the Greeks indeed was much hara.s.sed, and could do nothing in return; for the Cretan bowmen shot to a less distance than the Persians, and had also, as being lightly armed, sheltered themselves within the heavy troops; and the javelin-men did not hurl far enough to reach the slingers. 8. Upon this it seemed to Xenophon that it would be well to pursue them; and such of the heavy-armed and peltasts as happened to be with him in the rear, began to pursue, but could overtake in the pursuit not a single man of the enemy; 9. for the Greeks had no cavalry,[140] nor could their infantry, in a short distance, overtake the infantry of the enemy, who took to flight when they were a long way off, since it was impossible for the Greeks to follow them to a great distance from the rest of the army. 10. The Barbarian cavalry, too, inflicted wounds in their retreat, shooting backwards as they rode, and however far the Greeks advanced in pursuit, so far were they obliged to retreat fighting. 11. Thus during the whole day they did not advance more than five-and-twenty stadia; however, they arrived at the villages in the evening.
Here again there was much dejection; and Cheirisophus and the oldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for pursuing the enemy apart from the main body, endangering himself, and yet being unable to hurt the a.s.sailants.
12. Xenophon, hearing this charge, acknowledged that they blamed him justly, and that the result bore testimony in their favour. "But," said he, "I was under the necessity of pursuing, as I saw that we suffered great damage while remaining at our posts, and were unable to retaliate.
13. But when we began to pursue," continued he, "the truth was as you say; for we were none the better able to injure the enemy, and we could not retreat without great difficulty. 14. Thanks are due to the G.o.ds, therefore, that the Barbarians did not come upon us in great force, but only with a few troops, so that, whilst they did us no great harm, they showed us of what we stand in need: 15. for at present the enemy shoot their arrows and sling their stones such a distance, that neither can the Cretans return their shots, nor can those who throw with the hand reach them; and when we pursue them, we cannot go after them any great distance from the main body, and in a short s.p.a.ce a foot-soldier, even if ever so swift, cannot overtake another foot-soldier, starting at bow-shot distance. 16. If therefore we would keep off the enemy, so that they may be unable to hurt us on our march, we must at once provide ourselves with slingers and cavalry. There are, I hear, some Rhodians in our army, the greater number of whom, they say, understand the use of the sling, while their weapon carries even double the distance of the Persian sling, 17. which, as they sling with large stones, reach only a short distance, while the Rhodians know how to use leaden bullets. 18.
If then, we ascertain which of them have slings, and give money to each of them[141] for them; and pay money also to any one who is willing to plait more, and find some other privilege[142] for him who consents to serve in the troop of slingers,[143] possibly some will offer themselves who may be able to be of service to us. 19. I see also that there are horses in the army, some in my possession, and some left by Clearchus, besides many others taken from the enemy which are employed in carrying the baggage. If, then, we collect all these, and put ordinary baggage-cattle in their place, and equip the horses for riders, they will perhaps annoy the enemy in their flight." 20. These suggestions were approved; and that very night there came forward slingers to the number of two hundred. The next day, as many as fifty hors.e.m.e.n and horses were p.r.o.nounced fit for service; leathern jackets[144] and breastplates were furnished to them; and Lycius the son of Polystratus an Athenian, was appointed their captain.
[Footnote 138: ??ste?? ??e?a.] To watch him, lest he should act treacherously. _Kuhner_.]
[Footnote 139: ???e?? ??????t??.] Properly _war in which there is no use for heralds_, but in which all is violent and desperate; so that ??????t?? will be equivalent, according to Hesychius, to ?d????a?t??, _implacable_, _irreconcilable_. See Erasm. Adag. iii. 3. 84. _Sturz Lex_. Others rather think it a deadly war, not commenced by sending heralds, and not to be terminated by sending them. _Kuhner_. See Herod.
v. 81.]
[Footnote 140: Cyrus's Greek auxiliaries for the expedition had consisted only of infantry; all his cavalry was either Asiatic or Thracian. The Thracian horse had deserted, and the Asiatic cavalry had gone over to Tissaphernes soon after the battle.]
[Footnote 141: ???t? ??.] As t??e? p?pa?ta? immediately precedes, the singular t??t? rather startles the reader; but there are not wanting examples of similar irregularity.]
[Footnote 142: ?t??e?a?.] Exemption, for instance, from keeping guard and keeping watch. _Kruger_.]
[Footnote 143: ?? sfe?d???? ??teta???? ??????t?.] "To him willing to be a slinger, being enrolled in the company (of slingers)." This is the reading of Schneider, and Dindorf, and Bornemann. Kuhner and some others prefer ?? t? teta????, "in the place appointed him."]
[Footnote 144: Sp???de?.] This form of the word is preferred by Dindorf, Schneider, Bornemann, and Kuhner prefer st???de?, both in this pa.s.sage and in iv. 1. 18. Both forms seem to have been in use, and to have had the same signification; but sp???? to have been the more common. See Pollux, 1. 135. Hesychius has sp????, ??t???s??? a???, s??t????, ?
??s???? ???a?. See Pollux, 7. 70; 10. 143. Suidas, Phavorinus, and Photius give similar interpretations.]
CHAPTER IV
Mithridates again pursues the Greeks, but is repulsed. They reach the Tigris, encamp at Mespila, and are attacked by Tissaphernes with a numerous force. They repel him, and alter their order of march. Traversing a mountainous part of the country, they are hara.s.sed by the enemy, till, on getting possession of a height, they are enabled to reach the plain beyond it in safety.
1. Having halted for that day, they went forward on the next, rising earlier in the morning than usual; for they had a ravine formed by a torrent to pa.s.s, at which they were afraid that the enemy would attack them while they were crossing. 2. It was not till they had got over, however, that Mithridates again made his appearance, having now with him a thousand horse, and archers and slingers to the number of four thousand; for he had solicited and obtained that number from Tissaphernes, promising that, if he received them, he would deliver the Greeks into his hands; for he had conceived a contempt for them, because, in his previous attack on them, though he had but a small force with him, he had suffered no loss, and thought that he had caused them great annoyance. 3. When the Greeks, having crossed, were distant about eight stadia from the ravine, Mithridates also pa.s.sed over it with his force. Instructions had been issued to such of the peltasts and heavy-armed troops as were to pursue, and a charge had been given to the hors.e.m.e.n to pursue with boldness, as a sufficient force would follow to support them. 4. When therefore Mithridates overtook them, and the slings and arrows began to take effect, a signal was given to the Greeks with the trumpet, and those who had been ordered immediately hastened to charge the enemy, the cavalry riding forward at the same time. The enemy however did not wait to receive their charge, but fled back to the ravine. 5. In the pursuit several of the Barbarian foot were killed, and about eighteen of the horse were made prisoners in the defile. The Greeks, of their own impulse, mutilated the dead bodies, in order that the sight of them might be as horrible as possible to the enemy.
6. The enemy, after faring thus, went off, and the Greeks, advancing the rest of the day without molestation, arrived at the river Tigris. 7.
Here was a large deserted city, the name of which was Larissa, and which the Medes had formerly inhabited. The breadth of its wall was five and twenty feet, and the height of it a hundred; its circuit was two parasangs. It was built of bricks made of clay, but there was under it a stone foundation,[145] the height of twenty feet. 8. This city the king of the Persians,[146] at the time when the Persians wrested[147] the empire from the Medes, was unable by any means to take; a cloud, however, having covered the sun, hid it from view,[148] till the people deserted it,[149] and so it was taken. 9. Near the city was a stone pyramid of the breadth[150] of one plethrum, and the height of two plethra. Upon it[151] were many of the Barbarians who had fled from the neighbouring villages.
10. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, six parasangs, to a large unoccupied fortress,[152] situated near a city, the name of which was Mespila; the Medes had formerly inhabited it. The foundation of the wall was of polished stone, full of sh.e.l.ls,[153] the breadth fifty feet, and the height fifty; 11. and on it was constructed a wall of bricks, fifty feet broad, and a hundred high; the circ.u.mference of it was six parasangs. Here Medea, the king's wife, is said to have taken refuge, when the Medes were deprived of their empire by the Persians. 12. The king of the Persians, on besieging this city, was unable to reduce it either by length of time or by a.s.sault, but Jupiter, as with a thunder-stroke,[154] deprived the inhabitants of their senses, and thus it was taken.
13. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, a distance of four parasangs. In the course of this day's march Tissaphernes made his appearance, having with him the cavalry which he himself commanded, the force of Orontes, who had married the king's daughter, the Barbarian troops with which Cyrus went up, the troops with which the king's brother came to a.s.sist him, and, besides these, all that the king himself had given him; so that his army appeared extremely numerous. 14.
When he came near, he stationed some of his companies in the rear, and brought others round upon our flanks, but did not venture to make a charge, or show any disposition to endanger himself, but ordered his men to use their slings and bows. 15. But when the Rhodians, who were dispersed among the ranks, began to use their slings, and the Scythian archers[155] discharged their arrows, no one failing to hit a man, (for it would not have been easy to do so, even if they had been ever so desirous,) Tissaphernes hastily retreated beyond reach of the missiles, and the other divisions drew off at the same time. 16. During the rest of the day the Greeks continued their march, and the enemy followed; but the Barbarians no longer hara.s.sed them with their usual skirmis.h.i.+ng; for the Rhodians sent their missiles to a greater distance than the Persians, and than most of the bowmen. 17. The bows of the Persians, too, were large, so that such of their arrows as were taken up, were of service to the Cretans, who continued to use the enemy's arrows, and practised shooting by sending them far up into the air.[156] A great number of bowstrings were also found in the villages, and some lead, so that they could use it for their slings.
18. For that day, therefore, as soon as the Greeks reached the villages and encamped, the Barbarians went off, having had the worst in the skirmish; and during the next the Greeks remained where they were, and collected provisions, for there was plenty of corn in the villages. The day after, they proceeded through the open country, and Tissaphernes followed, hurling missiles at them from a distance. 19. Here the Greeks found that a square was a bad disposition for an army when the enemy was behind them: for it must necessarily happen, that if the flanks of the square close together from the road being narrow, or from hills or a bridge making it necessary, that the heavy-armed men must be pushed out of their places, and march with difficulty,[157] being at the same time crowded together and thrown into confusion; so that when in such disorder they must be nearly useless. 20. And when, again, the flanks divide, those who were previously forced out of their places, must now of necessity separate, and the s.p.a.ce between the flanks be left empty; and men who are thrown into such a condition must doubtless lose heart, if the enemy are behind them. Whenever, too, they had to pa.s.s a bridge, or any other crossing-place, each hastened on to get first, and the enemy had then a fine opportunity of attacking them.[158] 21. The generals, seeing that such was the case, formed six companies of a hundred men each, and appointed captains of these companies, as well as captains of fifty and captains of twenty-five.[159] These captains and their companies, on the march, whenever the flanks of the square closed together, fell behind, so as to cause no disorder in the flanks, and then led on outside the flanks; 22. and whenever the sides of the square opened, they filled up the centre, if the opening was narrow, by companies; if rather wide, by fifties; if very wide, by twenty-fives;[160] so that the centre was always full. 23. If, then, it was necessary to pa.s.s any defile or bridge, they were not thrown into confusion, but the captains and companies went over in succession;[161]
and if anything was needed in any part of the main body, these were at hand. In this order they advanced four days' journey.
24. As they were pursuing the fifth day's march, they observed a kind of palace, and several villages round it. The way to this place, they perceived, lay among high hills, which reached down from a mountain, at the foot of which the village was.[162] These hills the Greeks were glad to see, as was natural, when the enemy's force consisted of cavalry. 25.
But when, after leaving the plain, they had ascended the first hill, and were descending in order to mount the second, the Barbarians came upon them, and from the eminence began, under the lash,[163] to hurl darts, use their slings, and shoot arrows, on the ground below; 26. they wounded many, and had the advantage over the light-armed Greeks, and shut them up within the heavy-armed; so that both the slingers and archers were that day entirely useless, being mixed with the crowd that had charge of the baggage. 27. When the Greeks, on being hard pressed, attempted pursuit, they mounted the height but slowly, as being heavily armed, while the enemy sprang up speedily. 28. When, again, they retreated back to the rest of the force, they fared equally ill. The same occurrences took place on the second hill; so that they thought it proper not to move the soldiers from the third hill, until they led up a body of peltasts to the mountain from the right wing of the square. 29.
When these had got above the pursuing enemy, they no longer attacked them in their descent, fearing that they might be cut off from their own body, and that enemies might a.s.sail them on both sides. 30. Marching in this manner for the rest of the day, some by the route among the hills, and others advancing abreast of them along the mountain, they arrived at the villages, and appointed eight surgeons,[164] for there were many wounded.
31. Here they remained three days, both for the sake of the wounded, and because they found, at the same time, abundance of provisions, wheat-flour, wine, and a great quant.i.ty of barley laid up for horses; supplies which had been collected for the satrap of the country. On the fourth day they went down into the plain. 32. But as Tissaphernes overtook them with his forces, necessity taught them to encamp where they first saw a village, and not to march on still fighting; for there were many unfitted for action, some wounded, some carrying the wounded, and some bearing the arms of those that carried them. 33. When however they were encamped, and the Barbarians, coming up to the village, attempted to skirmish with them, the Greeks had greatly the advantage; for they found a great difference[165] between sallying from their own ground to repulse the enemy, and fighting with a pursuing enemy on their march.
34. When evening approached, it became time for the enemy to retire; for the Barbarians never encamped at a less distance from the Greeks than sixty stadia, fearing lest the Greeks should attack them in the night.
35. For in the night a Persian army is difficult to manage; as their horses are tied, and for the most part fastened by the feet, that they may not run away if they should be untied; and if any sudden attack takes place, the Persian has[166] to put the housings [167] on his horse, and to bridle him, and then, when he has put on his armour, to mount; but all these things are troublesome by night and in the midst of an alarm. On this account they encamped at a distance from the Greeks.
36. As soon as the Greeks saw that they intended to retire, and were pa.s.sing the order for doing so, proclamation was made among the Greeks, in the hearing of the enemy, that they were to collect their baggage; when the Barbarians, for some time, delayed their march; but, when it grew late, they went off; for they did not think it expedient to march and arrive at their camp[168] in the night. 37. When the Greeks observed them evidently moving away, they themselves also decamped[169] and began to march, and accomplished as much as sixty stadia. There was thus so great a distance between the armies, that the enemy did not appear on the following day or on the third; but on the fourth, the Barbarians, having gone forward in the night, occupied an elevated position on the right, on the route by which the Greeks were to pa.s.s; the brow of a mountain, beneath which was the descent into the plain. 38. As soon as Cheirisophus saw that this eminence was pre-occupied, he sent for Xenophon from the rear, and ordered him to bring his peltasts and come to the front. 39. Xenophon however did not bring the peltasts, (for he saw Tissaphernes, and all his force, in full view,) but, riding up alone, asked, "Why do you call me?" Cheirisophus replied, "You may see; for the eminence above the descent has been pre-occupied against us, and it is impossible to pa.s.s, unless we cut off those who are on it. But why did you not bring the peltasts?" 40. Xenophon replied that he did not think it right to leave the rear unguarded when the enemy were in sight.
"But it is high time," he continued, "to consider how some of us may dislodge those men from the hill." 41. Xenophon now noticed that the summit of the mountain[170] was above their own army, and that there was a way from it to the hill where the enemy were, and exclaimed, "It is best for us, Cheirisophus, to hasten as quickly as possible to the summit, for if we gain this, those who are above our road will be unable to maintain their ground. But do you, if you please, remain with the army; I have a desire to go forward; or, if you prefer it, proceed on to the mountain, and I will stay here." 42. "I leave you," replied Cheirisophus, "to choose which of the two you please." Xenophon, observing that he was the younger, decided on advancing, but requested Cheirisophus to send with him a detachment from the front, as it was too great a distance to bring one from the rear. 43. Cheirisophus then sent with him the peltasts from the front; and he took those that were in the middle of the square. Cheirisophus also ordered the three hundred that he had with him at the head of the square, consisting of picked men, to follow Xenophon.
44. The party then marched forward with all possible speed. But the enemy on the heights, when they perceived that the Greeks were directing their course towards the summit, hurried forward also themselves to contend for the possession of the summit. 45. There was then great shouting from the Grecian army, cheering their men, and great shouting also from the troops of Tissaphernes, cheering on theirs. 46. Xenophon, riding along on horseback, encouraged his party, saying, "Consider, soldiers, that you are now contending for Greece; that after a brief struggle now, we shall march the rest of the way without fighting, to join our children and our wives." 47. Soterides, a Sicyonian, cried out, "We are not upon an equality, Xenophon; for you are carried on a horse, while I have hard work to carry my s.h.i.+eld." 48. Xenophon, on hearing this remark, leaped from his horse, pushed Soterides from the ranks, took from him his s.h.i.+eld, and marched on with it as fast as he was able.
He happened however to have on his horseman's corslet, so that he was distressed. Yet he continued to exhort the men in front to lead on gently, and those behind, who followed with difficulty, to come up. 49.
But the rest of the soldiers beat and threw stones at Soterides, and reviled him, till they obliged him to resume his s.h.i.+eld and march in his place. Xenophon, remounting, led the way, as long as it was pa.s.sable for his horse, on horseback, but when it became impa.s.sable, he left his horse behind, and hastened forward on foot. Thus they got the start of the enemy, and arrived first at the summit.
[Footnote 145: ???p?? d' ?p?? ??????, ?. t. ?.] The foundation appears to have risen twenty feet above the ground; so that the whole height of the wall would be a hundred and twenty feet. Mr. Ainsworth says that he found the ruins of the brick wall at Resen, which he considers to be the same with Larissa, "based on a rude and hard conglomerate rock, giving to them all the solidity and characteristics of being built of stone."
_Travels in the Track_, p. 139.]
[Footnote 146: Cyrus the Great.]
[Footnote 147: ???a???.] That the Medes did not willingly submit, but were overcome by force, is testified by Herodotus, and is apparent from what is said here; whence it follows that ?a??e?? t?? ????? pa?? t????
may be applied even when those who lose the government are forcibly deprived of it. Xenophon however is at variance with himself in the Cyropaedia, where Cyrus is said to have succeeded to the throne by a marriage with the daughter of Cyaxares. _Kuhner_.]
[Footnote 148: ????? d? ?ef??? p???a???asa ?f???se.] This reading has been adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodaeus or Muretus; the ma.n.u.scripts have all ????? d? ?ef???? p???????a?, except two, one of which has the ? erased in ?ef????, and the other ?ef???.
Those who read with Dindorf refer to Plutarch de Placit. Philosoph. ii.
24, where the cause of an eclipse of the sun is said by some philosophers to be _a condensation of clouds imperceptibly advancing over the disc_. Bornemann and Kuhner restore the reading of the ma.n.u.scripts, which Langius thus interprets: _sol nubem sibi praetendens se obscuravit_; than which no better explanation has been offered. That we are not to suppose an eclipse of the sun to be signified in the text, is well observed by Bornemann; as Thales had previously ascertained the causes of such eclipses, and had foretold one, according to Herodotus i.
74; hence it is impossible to believe that Xenophon would have spoken of a solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of one, so irrationally. Hutchinson and Zeune absurdly understand t?? p???? with ?f???se.]
[Footnote 149: ?????p??.] Hutchinson and Weiske interpret this word _animis defecerunt_. Abreschius (Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 274) makes it _reliquerunt_ sc. _urbem_; an interpretation adopted by Porson, Schneider, Kuhner, and all the modern editors.]
[Footnote 150: ?????.] We must understand the length of each side.]
[Footnote 151: ?p? ta?t??.] There might be steps on the outside on which they might climb.]
[Footnote 152: ?e????.] Now called _Yarumjah_, according to Ainsw.
Travels, p. 139.]
[Footnote 153: ????????t??.] "It is a curious fact, that the common building-stone of Mosul (near Mespila) is highly fossiliferous, and indeed replete with sh.e.l.ls, characteristic of a tertiary or supra-cretaceous deposit; and the same lime-stone does not occur far to the north or south of Mosul, being succeeded by wastes of gypsum."'
_Ainsw. Travels_, p. 140.]
[Footnote 154: ????t?t??? p??e?.] "Jupiter makes the inhabitants thunderstruck." "He rendered them," says Sturz, "either stupid or mad."]
The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis Part 9
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