Uncle Daniel's Story Of "Tom" Anderson Part 41

"Said Carey: 'This man was sent for and closely examined as to what he proposed, and by the experiments made by our best scientists they were of opinion that his plan could be made a success, as the process was without doubt effective. The question, however, was not as to the process by which this could be done, but must we resort to it? Had all other means failed?'

"The other proposition was on the same line, but proposing a different mode of execution, which Carey also read:

"'Headquarters 63d Ga. Reg't.,

"'Near Savannah. "'To President Davis.

"'Mr. President: After long meditation and much reflection on the subject of this communication, I have determined to intrude it upon you, earnestly hoping my motives will const.i.tute a full vindication for such presumption on the part of one so humble and obscure as myself, though I must say that the evidences of your Christian humility almost a.s.sure me. I propose, with your permission, to a.s.sist in organizing a number of select men, say not less than 300 to 500, to go into the United States and a.s.sa.s.sinate, for instance, Seward, Lincoln, Greeley, Prentice, and others, considering it necessary to the chances of success at this time. I will only say a few words as to the opinion of its effects. I have made it a point to elicit the opinion of many men upon this subject, in whose good sense I have great confidence, and while a difference of opinion to some extent is almost inevitable, most have confidence in its benefit to us. The most plausible argument seems to be that to impress upon the Northern mind that for men in high places there to wield their influence in favor of the barbarisms they have been so cruelly practicing upon us is to jeopardize their lives; for distinguished leaders there to feel that the moment they array hordes for our desolation, at that moment their existence is in the utmost peril--this would produce hesitation and confusion that would hasten peace and our independence. With these meager suggestions upon the subject I will leave it for this time. If you deem the matter worthy of any encouragement, and will so apprize me, I believe I can give you such evidences of loyalty and integrity of character as will ent.i.tle it to your consideration. So far as I am concerned, I will say, however, that I was born and raised in Middle Georgia. All my relations.h.i.+ps and affections are purely Southern. I was opposed to secession, but am now committed to the death against subjugation or reunion with men of whose instincts and moral character, till this war, I was totally ignorant. If I have insulted any scruple or religious principle of yours I beg to be pardoned. I neglected to state in the proper place that I am an officer in the volunteer service.

"'Begging your respectful attention to this communication,

"I am, your Excellency's most obedient servant,

"'H. C. Durham, 63d Ga.'

"The reading of this communication was received with cheers from quite a number of those present, princ.i.p.ally Southern men. Carey said that the Secretary of War had sent for Durham, and that he was then at Richmond.

He was a fine looking, intelligent man, terribly in earnest. This was thought, although there was hesitancy about it in the Cabinet, to be a much more feasible undertaking than the attempt to explode the Capitol at Was.h.i.+ngton. The necessity for some radical measure to be adopted and put into execution at once was the reason for these doc.u.ments having been taken from the archives and placed in the present hands in their original form.

"Lieut. W. Alston, of Sulphur Springs, Va., who was present, as stated by Carey, also proposed to the authorities at Richmond to undertake to rid the country of the Confederacy's most deadly enemies, and authorized the committee to say that he, here and now, renewed his proposition; all of which Carey submitted to the a.s.sembly for their consideration.

"The propositions having been submitted in due form, the Chairman stated that they were before the a.s.sembly and open for consideration. Jacob Thomlinson opened the discussion, and said that these propositions were of the most vital importance; that the success of the Confederacy hung upon the action of this a.s.sembly. The authorities were waiting with bated breath until they could hear what their Northern friends would consider proper and feasible to be at once entered upon. He wanted no more promises without performance. He would save the Confederacy by any means if he could, and would consider himself justified. If some of these measures had been resorted to much earlier it would have been better. He said that war was mere barbarism and cruelty; that plunder, burning, pillage and a.s.sa.s.sination were merely the concomitants, and a part of the system, of all wars; that when men make war it means crime, rapine and murder, and those engaging in it should so understand. Each party is expected to capture all of the enemy that can be so taken, and to kill all that resist. It was proper to pick out and deliberately shoot down the Generals. He asked if it would be any worse to secretly capture Lincoln and Silent, the two leaders and commanders of all the United States forces, or to a.s.sa.s.sinate either or both of them, than to shoot them near our lines. He contended that if either or both of them should be seen near the Confederate lines they would be shot down, and the persons doing it would be rewarded with medals of honor, and would go down into history as great patriots for performing the act. If this were true, as all must concede, why should it be considered a dark and d.a.m.nable deed in time of war, when a great and dire necessity required, for two such tyrants to be put out of the way in the cause of liberty?

He insisted that no difference could exist, save in the minds of individuals morbid on the subject of human life. He said that he had witnessed enough shamming, and heard enough shallow professions, and wanted no more of either; that the promises of some of their Northern friends, already broken, had cost the Confederacy millions of dollars in coin, and had left him individually bankrupt and impoverished. There had been nothing but a series of failures growing out of the pretenses of some of their Northern allies. He was very severe on many of them, especially on Cornington and Eagle, of Chicago, and Strider and Bowen, of Indiana, all of whom he charged with getting large sums of money for use in the late election and for other purposes. He said they neither accounted for its disposition, nor had they entered an appearance, after promising on their obligation to do so. This he considered the most unwarranted course of conduct of which any one could have been guilty--no less than the deepest-dyed perfidy. When he closed his speech he was cheered to the echo." Dr. Adams said: "This man Thomlinson was a very brutal man in his instincts. He seemed also to have been out of humor with his co-conspirators. He was certainly very angry and much disappointed that his schemes had all failed. But how an intelligent man could argue and justify a.s.sa.s.sination, as he seemed to do, I cannot understand."

Col. Bush replied: "Doctor, you must see that this man, no matter what he may have been in former years, had become a hardened, inhuman wretch.

Do you not remember that he was the same person who employed men to gather poisoned clothes for the distribution of disease, as well as his attempt to have our cities burned, but was thwarted by Divine Providence, in my judgment?"

"Yes, I remember all this, and G.o.d knows that seemed the extreme of barbarism and inhumanity; but his last proposition in his argument was deliberate, cold-blooded murder in order to gain a political end; and to think of Northern men listening at any time to such propositions without remonstrance or disapproval in any way makes me shudder."

"They seemed to indorse it instead of manifesting disapproval," said Ingelsby, "and I have no doubt they favored it, and in some way a.s.sisted in trying to have it carried out."

"Yes, yes," said Uncle Daniel; "the half of the treachery and diabolical deeds of many of our Northern men, now leaders, is not known or understood; but, my dear friends, I will continue my story:

"When Thomlinson had concluded his remarks, Valamburg followed in a like strain, and concluded with a 'so help him G.o.d' that he was ready for any enterprise to serve-the Confederacy, no matter how dark nor how desperate and b.l.o.o.d.y. This was received with a wild shout, as though some rebel victory had been announced.

"Walters, of Arkansas, then addressed the a.s.sembly. He said he was in favor of the first proposition; that there seemed to be something practical in it. Since their last meeting he had been all over the North, even in Was.h.i.+ngton city, and there was not the slightest difficulty in pa.s.sing to and fro without any questions being asked. He said he saw the President riding out beyond Georgetown with only one person accompanying him; that there would not have been the slightest trouble in five men capturing him and crossing the river into Virginia, or retreating into Maryland and pa.s.sing along on byways with him to where he could have been securely kept until a chance was afforded for conveying him to some more secure place. So far as putting him out of the way was concerned, there would not be the slightest difficulty in doing that, but he thought the other the best, taking all things into consideration. The one would be considered a clean trick, and perfectly legitimate warfare, while the other would not, and would arouse the Northern people to more energetic measures. He said that he did not think there would be very great difficulty in capturing Silent; that he had made inquiry about him, and found that he seldom had anything more than a few men as escort, and kept but a small company as his headquarters guard; that 100 good, picked men could capture him almost any night. If they even failed, it would only make those who attempted it prisoners of war, so that they would be exchanged. This, if accomplished, in case of either Lincoln or Silent, would secure the Confederacy. With Lincoln captured, the Vice-President would only be too glad to have an excuse for the recognition of the Confederacy.

With Silent captured, Gen. Laws would again be master of the situation.

Silent was the only match for him in the United States. So far as the Vice-President was concerned, he was in a bad humor with the whole administration. He (Walters) had seen him and conversed with him since the time mentioned at which Mr. Carey had his interview. Walters had been at Nashua, and remained for several days unmolested, and had talked freely with quite a number of persons who were intimate with the Vice-President, and who were conversant with his views and knew his feelings. He said that the Vice-President suggested to him to get through the lines and go to Richmond, and say to the authorities there that if he were President he would recognize the Southern Confederacy; but he (Walters) did not then have full confidence in what he was saying, as he was rather in his cups at the time. But since he had heard what Mr. Carey had learned in his interview with him he had no further reason to doubt his sincerity.

"Mr. Wilkes here interposed and asked whether the whole question of recognition by the Vice-President did not entirely depend upon the capture and successful spiriting away of Lincoln.

"Mr. Walters answered in the affirmative.

"Wilkes then said: 'Suppose this scheme should fail, what then?'

"'Walters remarked that that was a question to be determined by this meeting, and that he did not wish to decide it in advance.

"Mr. Spangler, from Illinois, said that he did not desire to detain the a.s.sembly with a long speech, but he wished to impress upon the minds of the delegates present that in the State from which he came, he did not think the a.s.sa.s.sination of Lincoln and Silent would be indorsed, as it would raise such a storm there that all their friends would be driven from the State. He was in favor of their capture and, in fact, anything that was thought necessary; but as he lived in the same town with Mr.

Lincoln, he would not like to be forced to stem the torrent if he, Lincoln, should be a.s.sa.s.sinated. He would cheerfully vote for the first proposition, and at the same time pay $100 into the general pool for that purpose. This brought down the house--money seemed to be the one thing they greatly desired. He said: 'Now, Mr. Chairman, who is the Treasurer?'

"The Chairman answered that Mr. Thomlinson had the disbursing as well as the authority to receive all funds for the carrying out of the objects of the meeting.

"'Then,' said Spangler, 'here is my $100.' handing it to Thomlinson.

This started the ball, and in a few minutes $5,000 were raised and handed over to Thomlinson, who thanked the friends for their liberality.

"The debate here closed and the vote was taken on the propositions. The Chairman said he would put the third, or last, proposition first, which was, whether the a.s.sembly would indorse the proposition of Capt. Alston and Mr. Durham, who proposed to organize a force and a.s.sa.s.sinate the leading men of the North who are prominent in the war against the South, and recommend the authorities of the Southern Confederacy to carry out the proposed project. The question being stated, the vote was taken.

Being very close, the roll had to be called, and the proposition was lost by three votes.

"The next proposition was the one submitted by De Kalb to the Confederacy, to blow up the Capitol at Was.h.i.+ngton when Congress should be in session. The vote being taken, this proposition was lost; it being deemed inexpedient on account of the danger of destroying so many of their own friends.

"The last proposition to be voted on was whether the a.s.sembly would recommend to the authorities at Richmond to organize a force and capture Lincoln and Silent, or either of them, and hold the captive or captives until the Confederacy should be recognized. This question was taken and carried unanimously with a great hurrah and three cheers for the man or men who should accomplish this most desirable object.

"After the proposition had been agreed to, Mr. Page and Capt. Alston both desired to know what was to be done, if anything, should this attempt to capture those men fail. Quite a discussion here arose, during which considerable feeling was shown on the part of some of the Southern men. Finally they determined to recommend that Wilkes, Page, Alston and Durham be put in charge and organize for the purpose mentioned, and that they receive their instructions directly from Jacob Thomlinson. One of these men should go to Richmond with C. C. Carey, and there meet Durham and consult with the authorities as to the route to be adopted in getting into and out of Was.h.i.+ngton, and the means to be resorted to for their a.s.sistance and protection; also that, in the event of failure in capturing either of those men, then in that case they, or some of them, were to return to Canada and confer further with Thomlinson; and whatever measures he and they should adopt that looked like bringing success were to be carried out, with the understanding that the a.s.sembly here and now a.s.sented to it; which it did, and appointed Mr. Thom-linson with power to act as fully as if the matter had been laid before it and agreed to by a vote.

"This concluded the business of the delegates, and they adjourned to meet on the call of the Grand Commander at any future time when necessary for the benefit of the cause of the Confederacy. Henry remained a day or so in order to note any further developments. Carey and Page left at once for Richmond, intending to make their way in disguise by rail into West Virginia, and from there to Richmond. Wilkes started for New York and Alston for Buffalo. They were to make their way to Baltimore, and meet there on a certain day and remain until Page should return from Richmond with Durham. They were then to have an understanding as to how they should operate. Before leaving they all had a secret meeting with Thomlin-son, but what instructions they received of a private nature Henry did not know, except that he learned if their scheme should fail, one or more of them were to return at once to Canada and consult further with Thomlinson as to their future operations.

"'I required this to be written in full by Henry, and leaving him and his wife, Seraine, with what of our family was now left, I telegraphed to the President:

"'Stay indoors; important; am coming!

"(Signed)Daniel.'

"'I at once left for Was.h.i.+ngton, feeling that time was important.

The desperation of these men was such that they would undertake an enterprise of any kind, and the condition of the Confederacy such that nothing less than some heroic remedy would avail anything.

"When I arrived at Was.h.i.+ngton it was early in the morning. I directed my steps toward the Executive Mansion. On arriving at the door the usher recognized me, but said that the President had not been to breakfast.

"'I said: 'I do not wish to disturb him, but it is very important that I see him before a crowd comes in. I will remain here.'

"He stepped in and very soon returned, and at once showed me to the President's office up-stairs. He was waiting for me, and as I entered he came forward with both hands extended, and said, 'My dear friend Lyon, how are you?'

"I answered him as to my health in a sad tone. He spoke of my great afflictions in the most tender manner, and inquired as to the telegram.

"'I said:'Mr. President, this paper,' handing him Henry's report,'will explain it.'

"He said:'This is a long paper--as long as a President's message,' and laughed, saying, 'I expect you have been writing one for me?'

"'I replied that it was an important message for a President. At this he laughed, and said:

"'That is quite good, and is a very wise distinction; but,' said he, 'we will not read it now. When we get our breakfast, that will do, will it not?'

"I replied: 'Yes, perhaps it will.'

"He would have me take breakfast with him. His family only were present, and we all conversed freely, but princ.i.p.ally about the late election and our success in the West against Head, and the prospects of Silent against Laws. He was feeling very happy and confident of final victory.

He told me about having just returned with the Secretary of State from Hampton Roads, where they had met the Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy and others on a peace mission; 'but,' said he, 'it was the same kind of peace that the Copperheads have been preaching, under instructions from Richmond and the rebel agents in Canada, for three years.'

"After breakfast we returned to his office. He instructed his usher that he could see no one for the present. Being seated, he drew the paper that I had given him from his side pocket and commenced reading. Very soon he exhibited some little excitement, rang his bell and sent for the Secretary of War, who soon came in. After the Secretary had exchanged compliments with me, the President continued reading. When he had finished he turned to me and said: