The Letters of Queen Victoria Volume Ii Part 73

The Ecclesiastical t.i.tles Bill to be persevered in so far as the Preamble and the first clause, but the remaining clauses to be abandoned.

A Reform Bill for the extension of the Franchise.

A Commission of Enquiry into corrupt practices at elections in cities and boroughs.]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1851._ (_Sunday._)

Lord John Russell came at half-past five, much fatigued and depressed.

On the Queen's asking whether he could report any progress, he said he thought he could; he had met Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, together with Sir George Grey (Lord Lansdowne being ill). That he had informed them that he had received the Queen's commands to form a Government (?) and handed to them a Memorandum which follows here and which they had promised to take into consideration.

We asked him whether he had chalked out a Government. He said he had not thought of it yet; he added, however, that _he_ could not undertake the Foreign Affairs with the lead in the House of Commons and Government (which the Queen had pressed upon him); Lord Palmerston might be leader in the House of Lords; he would not like Lord Aberdeen at the Foreign Office; Lord Clarendon and Lord Granville were equally acceptable to him.

I suggested that it might be well if the Queen were to see Sir James and Lord Aberdeen again, which he approved, but thought it better he should not be present himself, and that the Queen might tell Sir James that he might have any Office he liked; perhaps _he_ would take the Foreign Affairs.

Lord John's relations and private friends evidently are distressed at his resuming office; the Radicals were very much pleased with the idea of Sir James Graham being in office.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

_24th February 1851._ _(Monday evening._)

Lord John came at three o'clock before making his statement to the House of Commons. We communicated to him what had pa.s.sed with Sir James Graham and Lord Aberdeen yesterday evening. He thought his Memorandum had been misunderstood: the nature of the Reform Bill was left open to discussion, and what he had said about filling the Offices only meant that the Offices should not be divided according to number, and each party left to fill up its share, as had been done in former Coalition Ministries. He had seen Lord Palmerston, who was not willing to give up the Foreign Office--spoke of retiring from business at his age, of his success in conducting Foreign Affairs, and of its being a self-condemnation if he accepted another Office. Lord John told him that he did not agree in this view, that the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland was to be maintained, and thought it best to leave it there. He thought Lord Palmerston had given up the idea of leading the House of Commons. We ascertained from him in conversation that he could not agree to Lord Aberdeen taking the Foreign Office nor that he could serve under Lord Aberdeen or Sir James Graham in case any one of these were to form a Government.

At half-past six Lord John returned from the House of Commons, and reported that two very important events had taken place: the one that upon his making his statement to the House that the Government had resigned, that Lord Stanley had been sent for, had declared _his inability then to form a Government_ (words agreed upon between Lord Lansdowne, Lord John, and Sir George Grey), and that he was now charged with the formation of a Government, Mr. Disraeli got up, and denied that Lord Stanley had declined forming a Government, which was received with cheers from the Protectionists. Lord John had merely answered that when Lord Stanley would make his explanations, what he had stated would be found to be correct, relying entirely, not upon what the Queen had communicated, but on Lord Stanley's own letter. The second event was a letter from Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham,[8]

which put _an end_ to all _thoughts_ of a Coalition. It stated that they could agree to no legislation whatever on the Papal Aggressions, and ended with a hint that Sir James Graham was prepared to go farther in reductions than Lord John was likely to consent to.

Lord John had at once answered that although he did not understand the latter objection, the difference on the Papal Bill must put an end to their negotiation. We much lamented the result, and after some discussion agreed that the only thing to be done now was to send for Lord Aberdeen. Lord Stanley could not pretend to be consulted before every other means of forming a Government had been exhausted.

[Footnote 8: Published in Walpole's _Lord John Russell_, vol.

ii. chap. xxii.]

[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN DECLINES]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1851._ (_Half-past ten_ P.M.)

The Queen returns these papers, as Lord John Russell wished. She has just seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, who, though ready to do anything which could be of any use to the Queen and the country, have stated it as their decided opinion that Lord Stanley should be asked to form a Government. Under these circ.u.mstances the Queen intends to send to Lord Stanley to-morrow. The Queen did ask Lord Aberdeen if he could undertake to form a Government, but he said that he thought it would not be successful, and that the Papal Aggression would be an insurmountable difficulty for him and Sir James Graham.

The Queen rejoices to hear from them, and from Lord John and Lord Lansdowne, the expression of cordiality of feeling, which it is so essential for the Crown and the country that there should be.

[Pageheading: ABERDEEN AND GRAHAM]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25 February 1851._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Through Van der Weyer, you will have heard what was the state of the _long_ and anxious crisis yesterday evening.

Alas! the hope of forming a strong Coalition Government has failed--_for the present_. I say for the present, as they are all so entirely agreed on the Commercial Policy that another time they hope there will be no difficulty, when they have _fought together_.

The _Papal Aggression_ has in fact been the only insurmountable difficulty. We sent to Lord Aberdeen last night (both he and Sir James Graham have been most kind to us), and asked if _he_ could not try to form a Government; but with the greatest readiness to serve me, he said he could not, on account of this self-same Papal Aggression. He equally declares that he cannot join Lord Stanley. Accordingly this morning I have seen Lord Stanley, and he means to try if he can form any fit sort of Government, but he has _no_ men of talent, and his difficulties are gigantic. I shall only know to-morrow _definitely_ if he _can_ form an Administration. I am calm and courageous, having such support and advice as my dearest Albert's; but it is an anxious time, and the uncertainty and suspense very trying. More details you will have later on. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY TO BE SUMMONED]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th February 1851._

Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham came yesterday evening at nine o'clock; the Queen put it to them whether _they_ could form a Government, to which they replied that they had turned it in their heads a hundred times, that there was nothing they would not do to show their readiness to serve the Queen, but that they did not see a possibility of forming an Administration which could stand a day. They were most likely at that moment the two most unpopular men in England, having declared that nothing should be done in Parliament against the Papal Aggression, which the whole country clamoured for; the Whigs would be very angry with them for their having broken up the new combination; they might find favour with the Radicals, but that was a support upon which no reliance could be placed. There was a growing opinion that Lord Stanley ought to have a chance of bringing forward his measures; that it was perilous, but that it was an evil which must be gone through; that this opinion had been strongly expressed by Lord Lansdowne, whose moderation n.o.body could doubt; that it was shared by the Duke of Newcastle, Mr Sidney Herbert, and others of Sir James's friends whom he had had time to consult.

Upon the Queen's expression of her great apprehension as to the consequence of such a step on the country, they said there would no doubt spring up a most violent opposition, that there would be attempts to stop the supplies and dissolve the Army, but that Lord John Russell and Sir James Graham together would do their utmost to preach moderation, and would refer the House of Commons to the Queen's example, who had taken strictly the Const.i.tutional course throughout the crisis, whose opinions on Free Trade were well known (as far as subjects could allow themselves to pretend to know their Sovereign's _private_ opinions) from the hearty support she had given to Sir Robert Peel's and Lord John's Governments. That upon the first proposition of a Stanley Government the junction of Parties would be completed, and there would be only _one_ strong opposition. After having fought together, there would be no longer any difficulty about forming a strong Government out of their joint ranks, whilst now it was impossible not to see that every Minister displaced would feel personally aggrieved, that then they stood on a footing of perfect equality. Sir James had seen Lord John since he had tendered his second resignation, and found him quite altered; whilst he was embarra.s.sed and _boutonne_ before, he was open and unreserved now, and they could speak on terms of private friends.h.i.+p. Lord Aberdeen would save his influence in the House of Lords, which he would probably have lost if he had joined the Whigs in office; in future all this would be different.

Lord John Russell's letter with the Memoranda came and interrupted us.

From these papers, and what Sir James and Lord Aberdeen said, it is clear that all parties are relieved by the failure of their attempt to form a Coalition Government, but determined to form a positive junction, which will be most salutary to the country. The Queen will therefore send for Lord Stanley.

We discussed further the means Lord Stanley would have to form an Administration, for which the material was certainly sad. Disraeli's last scene in the House of Commons would render the publication of Lord Stanley's letter necessary. Mr Gladstone might possibly join him; at least no pains would be spared to bring him in. Lord Palmerston had often so much secret understanding with Disraeli that he might be tempted with the bait of keeping the Foreign Office, particularly if personally offended.

Whether the Queen should allow or refuse a Dissolution was debated; the latter declared a most heavy responsibility for the Sovereign to undertake, but a subject upon which the decision should only be taken at the time, and on a due consideration of the circ.u.mstances.

ALBERT.