Tacitus: The Histories Part 14

The losing party being thus dispersed by peaceful means, disorder 68 broke out in the victorious camp. It originated in sport, but the number of deaths increased the feeling against Vitellius. He had invited Verginius to dine with him at Ticinum, and they had just sat down to table. The conduct of officers is always determined by the behaviour of their generals; it depends on that whether they adopt the simple life or indulge their taste for riotous living;[379] this again determines whether the troops are smart or disorderly. In Vitellius'

army disorder and drunkenness were universal: it was more like a midnight orgy[380] than a properly disciplined camp. So it happened that two of the soldiers, one belonging to the Fifth legion, the other to the Gallic auxiliaries, in a drunken frolic challenged each other to wrestle. The legionary fell; and when the Gaul began to exult over him, the soldiers who had gathered round took sides, and the legionaries, breaking out against the auxiliaries with murderous intent, actually cut to pieces a couple of cohorts. This commotion was only cured by another. A cloud of dust and the glitter of arms appeared on the horizon. Suddenly a cry arose that the Fourteenth had turned back and were marching on them. However, it was their own rear-guard bringing up the stragglers. This discovery quieted their alarm. Meanwhile, coming across one of Verginius' slaves, they charged him with intending to a.s.sa.s.sinate Vitellius, and rushed off to the banquet clamouring for Verginius' head. No one really doubted his innocence, not even Vitellius, who always quailed at a breath of suspicion. Yet, though it was the death of an ex-consul, their own former general, which they demanded, it was with difficulty that they were quieted. No one was a target for these outbreaks so often as Verginius. He still retained the admiration and esteem of the men, but they hated him for disdaining their offer.[381]

On the next day Vitellius granted an audience to the deputation of 69 the senate, which he had told to await him at Ticinum. He then entered the camp and spontaneously complimented the troops on their devotion to him.[382] This made the auxiliaries grumble at the growing licence and impunity allowed to the legions. So the Batavians, for fear of some desperate outbreak, were sent back to Germany, where Fortune was contriving for us a war that was at once both civil and foreign.[383]

The Gallic auxiliaries were also sent home. Their numbers were very large, and had been used at the first outbreak of the rebellion for an empty parade of force. Indeed, the imperial finances were already embarra.s.sed by the distribution of largess, to meet the expenses of which Vitellius gave orders for depleting the strength of the legions and auxiliaries. Recruiting was forbidden, and discharges offered without restriction. This policy was disastrous for the country and unpopular among the soldiers, who found that their turn for work and danger came round all the more frequently, now that there were so few to share the duties. Besides, their efficiency was demoralized by luxury. Nothing was left of the old-fas.h.i.+oned discipline and the good rules of our ancestors, who preferred to base the security of Rome on character and not on money.

Leaving Ticinum Vitellius turned off to Cremona. There he 70 witnessed Caecina's games and conceived a wish to stand upon the field of Bedriac.u.m, and to see the traces of the recent victory with his own eyes. Within six weeks of the battle, it was a disgusting and horrible sight; mangled bodies, mutilated limbs, rotting carca.s.ses of men and horses, the ground foul with clotted blood. Trees and crops all trampled down: the country-side a miserable waste. No less revolting to all human feeling was the stretch of road which the people of Cremona had strewn with laurel-leaves and roses, erecting altars and sacrificing victims as if in honour of an Oriental despot.[384] The rejoicings of the moment soon turned to their destruction.[385] Valens and Caecina were in attendance and showed Vitellius over the battle-field: this was where their legions had charged: the cavalry took the field from here: this was where the auxiliaries were outflanked. The various officers[386] each praised their own exploits, adding a few false or, at any rate, exaggerated touches. The common soldiers, too, turned gaily shouting from the high road to inspect the scene of their great struggle, gazing with wonder at the huge pile of arms and heaps of bodies.[387] There were a few who reflected with tears of pity on the s.h.i.+fting chances of life. But Vitellius never took his eyes off the field: never shuddered at the sight of all these thousands of Roman citizens lying unburied.[388] On the contrary, he was very well pleased, and, unconscious of his own impending doom, he offered a sacrifice to the local deities.

They next came to Bononia, where Fabius Valens gave a gladiatorial 71 show, for which he had all the apparatus brought from Rome. The nearer they drew to the city, the greater became the disorder of the march, which was now joined by troops of actors, eunuchs and the like, all in the true spirit of Nero's court. For Vitellius always had a great personal admiration for Nero. He used to follow him about to hear him sing, not under compulsion--many a decent man suffered that fate--but because he was the slave of his stomach, and had sold himself to luxury.

To secure a few months of office for Valens and Caecina, the other consuls of the year[389] had their terms shortened, while Martius Macer's claim was ignored as belonging to Otho's party. Valerius Marinus, who had been nominated by Galba, had his term postponed, not for any offence, but because he was a mild creature and too lazy to resent an injury. The name of Pedanius Costa was omitted altogether.

Vitellius had never forgiven him for rising against Nero and instigating Verginius. However, he alleged other reasons. They all had to observe the servile custom of the time, and offer their thanks to Vitellius.

An imposture, received at first with great excitement, failed to 72 last more than a few days. A man had appeared who gave out that he was Scribonia.n.u.s Camerinus,[390] and that during Nero's reign he had taken refuge in Histria, where the Cra.s.si still had their old connexions and estates, and their name was much respected. He accordingly took all the rascals he could find and cast them for parts. The credulous mob and some of the soldiers, who were either victims of the imposture or anxious for a riot, eagerly flocked to join him. However, he was taken before Vitellius and his ident.i.ty examined. When it was found that there was no truth in his pretensions, and that his master recognized him as a runaway called Geta, he suffered the execution of a slave.[391]

FOOTNOTES:

[329] i.e. the gladiators (cp. chap. 36).

[330] Modena.

[331] A famous orator and informer, who from small beginnings acquired great wealth and influence under Nero. Best known as the prosecutor of Thrasea (cp. iv. 6, &c.). He eventually conspired against Vespasian and was forced to commit suicide.

[332] Bologna.

[333] They would ent.i.tle him to the use of post-horses, &c., as for public business.

[334] April 12-19.

[335] From this phrase it is not clear whether the actual news of his suicide had arrived. It took place on April 17.

[336] Vespasian's brother (see i. 46).

[337] See note 70.

[338] Cp. i. 47.

[339] By this time no one except the emperor was expected to address official letters referring to the general political situation to the consuls or the senate. Valens' action was therefore presumptuous (cp. iv. 4).

[340] The meaning seems to be that Caecina indulged the men in order to win popularity, Valens in order to obtain licence for his own dishonesty.

[341] He had depleted them by sending detachments forward with Valens and Caecina (see i. 61).

[342] One of the vilest and most hated of imperial menials (see chap. 95, and iv. 11). The gold ring was a token of equestrian rank (cp. i. 13).

[343] Caesariensis (Fez) and Tingitana (Morocco). They had been imperial provinces since A.D. 40.

[344] See i. 8.

[345] Gemina.

[346] The military t.i.tles here used have a technical meaning which translation cannot convey. A senior centurion (cp. note 57) could rise to the command of an auxiliary cohort, like the Festus and Scipio here mentioned (_praefecti cohortium_). The next step would be to _tribunus legionis_, and from that again to _praefectus alae_. This was Pollio's position, the highest open to any but soldiers of senatorial rank.

[347] Saone.

[348] He was so poor, says Suetonius, that he had no money to take him out to Germany, when appointed to that province. He had to let his house and hire a garret for his wife and family, and to p.a.w.n one of his mother's pearl ear-rings.

[349] Aged 6.

[350] Cp. i. 62.

[351] He was executed by Mucia.n.u.s (iv. 80).

[352] He postponed the hearing of their case, and thus, as accused persons, they had by custom to wear mourning.

[353] Cp. i. 77.

[354] Cp. i. 90. As Trachalus' gentile name was Galerius, she was presumably a relative.

[355] Between the Loire and the Allier.

[356] Mariccus being a provincial 'of no family', Tacitus hardly likes to mention him.

[357] The word _trahebat_ may here mean 'began to plunder', but this seems less likely.

[358] This punishment seems to have been reserved, appropriately enough, for those who stirred up popular sedition.

[359] From Vitellius' point of view the Othonians were rebels, since he had been declared emperor before Otho: or else as rebels against Galba.

[360] Cp. i. 22.

[361] i.e. as gladiators. Juvenal says this is what the spendthrifts come to: and also that they would do it for money, without any Nero to compel them. On the whole the bankrupt rich preferred 'knock-about comedy' to the very real dangers of a combat.

[362] i. 88.

[363] Cp. i. 80.

[364] Terni.

[365] Cp. i. 62.

[366] See chap. 58.

[367] i.e. the property, not of Vitellius personally, but of the imperial household.

[368] He would entertain some natural doubt as to who _was_ emperor. The incriminating suggestion is that he meant to insert his own name.

[369] In the _Annals_ Tacitus mentions Tiberius' habit of appointing provincial governors without any intention of allowing them to leave Rome. See _Ann._ i. 80, vi. 27.