Memoirs of the Court of George IV. 1820-1830 Part 32

THE RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

March 4, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

The country gentlemen have so much deserted the Ministers in the Admiralty questions, that it is not a propitious moment to ask favours, while so much ill-humour mutually prevails. A great many of these country gentlemen being sulky and discontented because the price of corn will not sustain the rise they had made in their rents, vent their spleen by opposing and thwarting the Government; and some who were steady anti-reformers have suffered themselves to be gulled by Cobbett into attributing the pressure of their rents to an inadequate representation in Parliament, though it has no more to do with their rents than with those of the Cham of Tartary.

Yet these blockheads all profess that they do not wish to change the Government, though they are doing all that they can to annihilate them. The danger is a pretty serious one, for, with the connexion that Opposition holds with the Radicals, and the daily pledges they give to the tenets of these people, it is probable that the extensive changes that would immediately take place, would have very much the effect of an entire revolution in the government of the country. At sixty-seven this is less interesting to me than it is to you and to your son, for whose sake I heartily wish I may see this with exaggerated alarm.

Most affectionately yours,

T. G.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, March 6, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

Your letter of the 3rd followed me into Hamps.h.i.+re, from whence I returned this day; and I a.s.sure you that I am much flattered by your confidence.

You are quite right; the country gentlemen treat the Government exceedingly ill. What I complain of is not the votes of individuals upon the salt tax or the Lords of the Admiralty, or upon any other question of reduction, as in the existing temper of the country, men may find themselves obliged to follow the torrent rather than stem it; but what I complain of is their acting in concert, and as a party independent of, and without consultation with, the Government, which they profess to support, but really oppose. In ordinary times, and under ordinary circ.u.mstances, this conduct could not be borne for a moment. The Government would necessarily be obliged to take the line which you suggest; and I think that under ordinary circ.u.mstances the result would be what you suppose.

I think it also not impossible that we may find ourselves obliged to take this step before this session closes. But I confess that I shall take it myself, and see it taken by my colleagues with the greatest reluctance and pain, for reasons which in fact const.i.tute the great difference between these times and others.

It would not be difficult to form a Government to succeed to us out of our own party. But if we are unable to conduct the Government, they would be still more unequal to it; and they would want particularly our experience in tiding over the difficulties of the day. The Opposition are still more unable than ourselves or others to form and conduct a real Government. But they would be able, and not unwilling, to do a great deal of mischief--enough probably to prevent us or any others who should succeed to them from being able to conduct the Government again. They would soon find that they could not govern upon their new system; and they would not be supported by the country on that or any other; but they would just have the power to render the government of the country impossible to their successors.

I have stated to you very shortly my view of this question, which I believe is the true one. I believe, then, that however painful it may be to us, and I declare most sincerely that it is so to me, it is our duty to remain where we are as long as we can; and at all events endeavour to overcome the difficulties of this most critical of all moments.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

The Government was for the hundredth time menaced with immediate dissolution; but the familiar proverb that p.r.o.nounces the longevity of ordinary men when threatened, appeared to be equally applicable to Cabinet Ministers. It will be seen from the following communications that they were likely to lose the support of one of their most influential friends at Court. Sir Benjamin Bloomfield, however, was not so completely disgraced as the writer tries to make it appear, for, on the 1st of April he was gazetted as a Knight Grand Cross of the Bath, and lived to enjoy several other honours and advantages.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, March 10, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

You can have no idea how much advantage we derive from the division of the other night, being of much greater importance to the Government than to us, and it is so felt by the Opposition. Nothing could be more absurd than Tierney's conduct, speaking entirely against Creevey, and by his vote identifying himself with the Opposition upon it. Lord N---- was really the height of folly, to call it by no other name, for the division was so miserable a one, and so completely confined to the Opposition, that there was no one reason why he should have come up for it.

I am rather surprised at your saying that you think Ireland is looking worse; it is not thought so here. I asked both Peel and Plunket on Sat.u.r.day, and their accounts from Ireland and their private opinion on the subject were much more favourable. Plunket told me he was satisfied that as yet nothing had emanated from Dublin, that whatever were the steps of insurrection either at Limerick or Cork, they proceeded without communication or combination with Dublin. I am quite persuaded the only thing for the Government to establish and confirm their strength would be to force Canning into the Cabinet. It is the height of madness to let him go abroad in the present state of the House of Commons.

As to the conduct of the K----, it is inexplicable. He is praising Lord Liverpool on all occasions, but sending invitations to nothing but the Opposition. The communications on the subject of Bloomfield are now carried on by the Duke of Wellington. How this is to end no one guesses, as to the provision that is to be made for him. With regard to Ireland I am quite satisfied the great man is holding the most conciliating language to both parties; holding out success to the Catholics, and a determination to resist them to the Protestants.

Ever yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, March 11, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

You may depend upon it nothing can be more precarious than the situation of the Government at the present moment. My own opinion is that it will stand, but the difficulties are great, and we shall only be extricated from them by the fear of the country gentlemen bringing in the Opposition. The defence for the Post-office will be most arduous; it can only be taken on the ground of influence, which must be maintained. If it is lost, which seems to be apprehended, it cannot alone form a sufficient ground for the breaking-up the Government. It is undoubtedly (coupled with other measures which have taken place) a good ground for Government to hold a language of retirement, but they must rest such a step on some more important proof of want of confidence--I mean the loss of any taxes--as, indeed, a small division against the repeal of a tax, which would be almost as discreditable to them as the repeal itself. You will observe by the papers that notice has been given for the repeal of almost all--indeed, I may say all--the taxes which bear on agriculture. This therefore must be the touchstone, and upon this they must rest their determination. If I were to speculate on the question of the Postmaster-General, I should think it would not be carried; but such is not the general opinion, and if we are to believe the common report, Lord Normanby will carry his motion.

I don't know whether you have heard the particulars of Bloomfield's dismissal. He received on Thursday last in town a notification from Brighton of what was intended, and he got at the same time a note from Lord Liverpool, desiring him to call upon him at ten o'clock the next morning. This he accordingly did, when the Minister formally announced the King's order of dismissal from all his employments and offices, together with the order to quit his residence at Carlton Palace and the Stud House (Lady Bloomfield retaining the Rangers.h.i.+p of Hampton Court Park, which she holds for life); an offer was at the same time made to him to retain his salaries, which he rejected. No ground was given for the dismissal.

Sir Benjamin claimed a Peerage which had been promised by the King under his hand within the last month. This was rejected on the part of Lord Liverpool, but the person who communicated this to me, and who had it from Bloomfield himself immediately on his leaving Lord Liverpool, told me that on this point Bloomfield said he should make his stand. No private secretary is to be appointed with the rank of Privy Councillor; Mr. Watson is to remain to arrange the King's papers, and to lay them before his Majesty. The Privy Purse not named. Thus far I tell you as knowing distinctly, and from the very best authority, the facts. On what ground the dismissal has taken place I cannot tell you more than common report, which varies and invents ten thousand different reasons--one that there was a large sum to be accounted for in the expenses of the Coronation, incurred for diamonds. The whole of these expenses were referred to an auditor, and Bloomfield was summoned to give an account of these diamonds; his answer was that they had been furnished by order of the King, and his directions were to place them on the Coronation account. Whether they were so applied he could not say, but took it for granted they were. It was not, however, so proved; and the King, considering such a disclosure, or rather explanation, on the part of Bloomfield as a breach of confidence, made it the ground of his dismissal. There may or may not be some truth in this report; but depend upon it, the measure has arisen from an intrigue in the party now governing at the Pavilion. For my own part, I think nothing can augur worse for the Government than this very bout. I am quite confident Bloomfield was devoted to this Government, and I am also sure that no new nomination of private secretary takes place, because in such an event the Ministers must have a voice, and no one could be appointed but under the sanction of Government.

There is a large party of Opposition gone down to Brighton this week--Duke of Devons.h.i.+re, Lord Lansdowne, &c. &c.

I will endeavour to communicate with Parnell, but he evidently avoids me, and depend upon it he will not commit himself until he finds which party prevails. Plunket is arrived, and is actually at this moment in the next room with Wynn. We have not much fear in our quarter of the Board of Control on Thursday, which I suppose will end in an abusive speech from Creevey. Vansittart's Superannuation Bill will create a great deal of discussion, and which he will not mend by his explanations. I have nothing to add; you shall hear from me as things occur. The next ten days will decide upon the question. I had a note yesterday from Lord Grenville on other matters, but he adds a few sentences expressive of his apprehensions for the Government, which can only be maintained by a sudden alarm and consequent support from the independent part of the House of Commons.

Ever, my dear Duke, sincerely yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, March 22, 1822.

MY DEAR B----,

Canning has at length swallowed his scruples and difficulties, and will next week be appointed Governor-General. I regret this extremely, for the reasons mentioned in my last, but it cannot I fear be prevented. I was mistaken in telling you that Newport went away, as he voted with us.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, March 30, 1822.

MY DEAR DUKE,

The King has been in town and went this morning back to Brighton. I hear from the _best_ accounts that he is ill, thinks ill of himself, and is low, but Wynn told me he thought he looked very well and was particularly civil to him, and inquired most kindly after you. Bloomfield is to have a pension of 1200_l._ per annum, Lady Bloomfield the Park at Hampton Court (not the Stud House); he is also to retain the Privy Purse, but to do no duty for it (how this is to be I know not). This is calculated altogether to afford an income of 2800_l._ per annum. He is to go to Brighton on Monday to be invested with the blue ribbon, and the second Irish Peerage is held out to him. All this you may rely upon, as it comes from the King's own lips. The only ground of complaint urged, is Bloomfield's temper, which was all of a sudden found to be so bad that he could not longer go on with him. He also said, "He had engaged not to renew the appointment of Private Secretary, but that he did not know how he could possibly go on without one." This looks as if he meant to fight the battle again, and the Ministers will be mad if they give way.

You will see what occurred yesterday respecting the Catholic question; they will bully Plunket into moving it, which for one I shall be sorry for.

I am just interrupted, therefore am compelled to finish this.

Ever most faithfully yours,