Memoirs of the Court of George IV. 1820-1830 Part 6

MY DEAR B----,

During the interval which elapsed between the time of your leaving town and my setting off for Wales, not a single event took place--not even a fresh report was circulated--which might afford me the materials for a letter. My newspaper now speaks of a fresh attempt at a compromise, accompanied with a proposal for restoring the Queen's name to the Liturgy, which has been refused on her part. Surely, notwithstanding all the absurdity and mismanagement which we have seen, this must be impossible. The only way of accounting for it would be some panic of personal alarm; but even then, lowly as I think of his advisers, I cannot conceive that they could consent to a measure of such inevitable and wholly useless disgrace.

The eagerness of popular feeling, even in this Tory tranquil part of the country--where there has not, since the extinction of Jacobitism, been an opinion ever expressed on general politics, but that all measures adopted by the King must be right--is inconceivable. I was stopped in this little village the first day of my arrival, by the master of a fis.h.i.+ng-boat, to ask me whether I thought the House of Commons would take care that justice was done to the Queen. My wife, also, has met with two or three equally strong proofs of the interest taken in this question. Pray tell me what you hear of the disposition of the army. I have seen some allusions to fresh discontents among the Guards on the subject of some stoppage for breakfasts. The cause does not signify a pin, for if the spirit once exists, occasions for manifesting it will never be wanting.

Henry writes me word that he heard of scarcely anything at Milan, or in the neighbourhood of the Lake of Como, but the Queen's conduct, of which everybody seemed ready to give evidence. The witnesses had all been placed on an allowance of thirty francs per diem, which seems as good a device to invalidate their evidence as could have been adopted, and many are supposed to have come forward only _per chiappar il denaro_. The most material are said to be some bricklayers, who must have peeped, he concludes, through the windows.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

In the manner indicated in the preceding portion of this correspondence, the great contest was carried on. The Queen had evidently not miscalculated her power of dangerously exciting public opinion; she had moved from the Alderman's house to the residence of one of the ladies of her suite, and from thence had gone to a more Queen-like abode, at a convenient distance from town, known as Brandenburg House, Hammersmith; but wherever she went, the popular hopes and wishes went with her,--and knowing the excitement she produced, she redoubled her efforts to increase it, and direct it to the advancement of her interests. The moderation of the Government she regarded with studied contempt, and every indication they put forth of a desire to treat her with as much respect as was consistent with their duty to their Royal master, produced a more violent display of her resolve to ride down all opposition. There is little doubt that the King was now as much alarmed as annoyed; was often dissatisfied with his Ministers, and quite ready to accept the services of any set of men capable of relieving him from this serious embarra.s.sment; but the task was full of danger, and prudent statesmen like Lord Grenville and his brother were not to be tempted into accepting it. The Coronation was postponed, and the Court partic.i.p.ated in their Sovereign's fears and anxieties.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

E. Green, Friday, August 11, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

The K---- has been in this neighbourhood for the last fortnight, living in the greatest retirement; his party consisting of very few--the princ.i.p.al object of course the Lady C----, who is here.

They ride every day, or go on the water, or drive in a barouche; the K---- and her always together, separated from the rest, and in the evening sitting alone apart. I have heard of the Esterhazys (who called on a friend here, and said the evenings were _triste a mourir_), no cards, no books, no amus.e.m.e.nt or employment of any kind; Sir Benjamin and Lady Bloomfield, Lord C----, Nagle, Thornton, Keppel, and one or two more; I believe the Warwicks, for two days; the Duke of Dorset. The secrecy that is preserved as to their pursuits is beyond all idea; no servant is permitted to say who is there; no one of the party calls on anybody, or goes near Windsor; and when they ride, a groom is in advance, ordering everybody to retire, for "the K---- is coming." The private rides are of course avoided by the neighbours, so that in fact you know almost as much of what is going on as I do, excepting that the excess of his attentions and _enjouement_ is beyond belief.

The public are full of nothing but a communication between the King and the Ministers, opened by a letter from her. I have not the least idea it can possibly lead to accommodation, though it is hoped so. I think Lord John Russell's letter most calculated indeed for mischief, and for nothing else, for the idea of the interference proposed is quite absurd; if it were to take place at all, it must be through Parliament. The prospect of the opening and of the result is tremendous, and enough to appal the stoutest heart; however, we have weathered many storms, and I hope we shall do so in this case. The d.u.c.h.ess of York wrote a very affecting letter to the Duke just previous to her death. His Majesty has not bestowed a _length_ of outward grief in the mourning. She is certainly to be buried at Weybridge.

Ever, my dear Lord, most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

P.S.--Lord Bulkeley has excused himself for the trial; he has been very severely ill indeed, and I doubt much if he will have strength to rally, though he is gradually, but very slowly, mending. There are messengers going from and coming to the Cottage hourly almost for the last two days.

CHAPTER III.

[1820.]

EVIDENCE AGAINST QUEEN CAROLINE. DIVIDED OPINIONS RESPECTING HER IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. DECLARATION OF LORD GRENVILLE. THE BILL OF PAINS AND PENALTIES ABANDONED. THE KING DISSATISFIED WITH HIS MINISTERS.

CONVERSATION OF LORD GRENVILLE WITH THE KING. MINISTERIAL MANAGEMENT OF THE QUEEN'S CASE. HER CONDUCT AFTER THE CONCLUSION OF PROCEEDINGS AGAINST HER. REACTION IN THE PUBLIC MIND. THE QUEEN LOSES GROUND IN POPULAR ESTIMATION. RETURNING POPULARITY OF THE KING.

CHAPTER III.

It is unnecessary to follow minutely the proceedings that took place in both Houses of the Legislature, then generally looked upon as the trial of Caroline of Brunswick,--let it suffice to state, that despite the disclosures which they furnished, the Queen did not lose any of her popularity. It was enough for the mult.i.tude which had so enthusiastically embraced her cause, that the witnesses against her were foreigners; and their national prejudices thus enlisted in her behalf, carried her triumphantly through an ordeal that would have been destructive to a much better reputation.[44]

[44] Whatever may be thought of the testimony of the Italian witnesses, that of the English officers examined was above suspicion. Their evidence, an impartial historian has acknowledged, proved her guilty of conduct that rendered her "unfit to be at the head of English society, and amply justified the measures taken to exclude her from it."--Alison's "Europe,"

vol. ii. p. 466.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Putney Heath, Aug. 12, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

In spite of the rumours I hear on every side, I suppose the House of Lords will meet on the 17th to prove the preamble of the Bill of Pains and Penalties;--indeed, in the present state of things, I see not what other course can be adopted. Lord John Russell's plan really seems to me more pregnant with certain mischief than any which has yet been suggested; and we are now suffering enough from fluctuating and oscillating counsels to warn us against any recurrence to measures which savour of timidity and hesitation. My own idea is this, that in reality the Queen's partisans mainly rely on the effect they can produce by their daily statements and daily intimidation on the electors, hoping through their instrumentality to make the elected subservient to their plans; and it is, I fear, impossible as yet to calculate whether they may not be successful in this. At all events, the Government will have received a shock in the control of the House of Commons, which, const.i.tuted as they now are, they never can recover. Never, indeed, in my recollection, do I remember so general an idea that there must be a change of Ministry. I hear it from quarters which astonish me.

Lus.h.i.+ngton, I hear, now very much presides over the councils of her Majesty; in many respects he is well calculated to please her, for he is good-natured and obliging in his demeanour, rash in his advice, and a lover to excess of popular applause. He is everywhere with her now: airs with her, a.s.sists her in receiving addresses, &c.

The only counsel to be employed for the King, as I am informed, are the Attorney and Solicitor-General, Young, Parke, and two civilians,--viz., the King's Advocate and Dr. Adams. They must rely upon the Solicitor-General mainly, whose shoulders are quite equal to the burthen. They are very unfortunate in the choice of their civilians: the King's Advocate is clumsy and confused, and has no practice; Adams is injudicious and impracticable, and has no learning. I shall be exceedingly curious to see the outset of the business; but probably it will be difficult to get a place, even if the present heat continues.

Canning left London for Italy a few days ago.

Believe me ever, my dear Lord,

Your obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

P.S.--If there should be any idea of postponing the business (which I do not in the least expect), perhaps you will have the kindness to let me know as much.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Aug. 30, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

The discussions which have taken place, and the decision of yesterday, astound everybody here. The Chancellor and the Prime Minister differing and dividing on a question which the former argues as vital to the jurisprudence of the country, is what England, I believe, has never before witnessed; and these Ministers remaining in the same Cabinet, and continuing to act together. How can all this end? I was in town for a few hours on Monday, and it appeared to me that in the streets the cry was increased instead of diminished for the Queen. I saw several lawyers, dispa.s.sionate men, and intelligent, who all confirmed this, and a.s.sured me that their belief was, that be the evidence ever so strong, and the facts proved, the public--and included in this, the middling cla.s.s, the shopkeepers--were determined to support her as an oppressed and injured woman, and as hating and despising the character of the witnesses. It also has not a little benefited her cause, that it appears how much the King personally has prepared the evidence by his emissaries abroad, and more particularly by his Hanoverian engines. I a.s.sure you I am quite low-spirited about it. One cannot calculate on anything less than subversion of all Government and authority, if this is to go on; and how it is to end, no one can foresee. I think, however (what I did not do when you told me so in town), that the Commons will never entertain the Bill. But, again, when will it ever come to the Commons? The mischief will be all done previously; and the Press now is completely open to treason, sedition, blasphemy, and falsehood with impunity. This alone, if it continues, must debauch the public mind. I want some volunteer establishments to be formed, or something to be done without a moment's delay, by the well-disposed and loyal who have influence, to check the torrent and to guard against the explosion which must inevitably take place. I don't know whether you see the _Cobbetts_, _Independent Whig_, and many other papers now circulating most extensively, and which are dangerous much beyond anything I can describe. I have an opportunity of seeing them, and can speak therefore from knowledge; and the Government taking no steps (knowing, perhaps, they cannot depend on a jury) to prosecute. What do you find in the language of Government since the division? Is the Chancellor submissive? and does he still cling to the Purse, or will he surrender it?

The King here confines himself to the Cottage, has _hourly_ messengers--that is, dragoons, who are posted on the road by dozens--and we hear is in a state of the greatest irritation; but he is very seldom seen, and this is only what one picks up.--You have no conception how thoroughly the public mind, even in this neighbourhood, is inflamed by this melancholy subject, and how the Queen is still supported.--Adieu, my dear Lord. I should be glad to know how you are, and what you think of the state of things since I saw you.

Yours most faithfully,

W. H. Fremantle.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

MY DEAR B----,

Your prognostications of the present Bill standing over for the decision of the rising generation, seem to be now, I will not say verified, but far exceeded, as it must remain not for that which is rising, but for that which is yet unborn, _if_ it be proceeded in. You know the strong bias of my opinion was originally towards an impeachment for misdemeanour, if a simple Divorce Bill could not be carried; and really, as is usual on such occasions, everything which pa.s.ses seems to supply me with a fresh argument in favour of that course. Certain, however, it is, that no course could possibly have been adopted which would not have been marred by the weakness and indecision of Ministers. The double cross-examination now authorized, seems to me in its effect infinitely more inconvenient than a communication of the list of witnesses, objectionable as I thought that measure would have been originally. That at least would have expedited the business, since it would have left no pretence for calling for extended delay to prepare her defence. As it is, under the most favourable circ.u.mstances to the Bill, I do not see how it is to reach the House of Commons till after Christmas, allowing an interval of six weeks or two months for preparing her defence, which I suppose must be given. If this be the case, how will it be possible for the House of Commons to proceed to effect with such an examination as this, and at the same time to go through the ordinary business of the session, increased as it will be beyond precedent by the arrears and omissions of the last?

There are many whose object it will be studiously and declaredly to protract, in order that the business may necessarily drop to the ground; and from the general aversion to the whole proceeding, it seems to me that they must succeed.