Memoir and Letters of Francis W. Newman Part 13

As she must take little Johnny S. and her own maid, and another to help in bathings, and look after the child, it is quite a nomad eruption and waggon-load of Scythians.

"My sister's child, a boy of Johnny S.'s age, fell into the fire six or seven weeks ago, and was almost burnt to death. The poor little fellow endured agonies, but is at last nearly recovered.... It seems a wonderful recovery."

The next letter notifies his election as Latin Professor in University College.

"_London. 6th July_, 1846.

"My dear Nicholson,

"A few words just to say that on Sat.u.r.day I was elected Latin Professor in L. U. C., and to thank you once more for your valuable aid. Hoping Mrs. N.

continues well, and with kind regards to her, and the children,

"I am, ever yours affectionately,

"Francis W. Newman."

CHAPTER VIII

LETTERS TO DR. NICHOLSON FROM PROFESSOR NEWMAN DURING THE FOLLOWING YEARS: 1850 TO 1859

The first of special interest in this series of letters is dated March, 1850, and concerns Newman's Latin studies and also Indian and China affairs.

"Sir Charles Trevelyan is doing his best to introduce the English alphabet into Indian languages. He believes it, with me, to be of political, educational, and religious importance; but he seems to be opposed by all the English scholars. Edwin Norris says that even Sanscrit imported its alphabet from a foreign tongue. The number of primitive alphabets is so few, the diversity of languages so great, that nearly all tongues must have adopted foreign alphabets. I cannot therefore understand the almost a priori objections raised by the learned.... Do you attend to Indian affairs? The disbanding of our Native Indian armies, the prospect of a sure surplus in the Indian treasury, with the necessity of a conciliatory policy to all the Indian princes as soon as we are disarmed, seem to me as light pouring in through a dark cloud. But I am not easy (far from it) until we get out of this Chinese sc.r.a.pe. I have for years maintained that the more we fight against China the more we shall teach them the art of war; and unless we tear the empire in pieces by aiding insurrections, they must beat us at last, and become masters in the Indian seas. We cannot contend against three hundred and eighty millions of ingenious, industrious, h.o.m.ogeneous men under a single monarch with compact country, splendid rivers and harbours, unsurpa.s.sed soil and climate--if once we drive them to learn the art of war from America, as Peter the Great learnt it from Europe. But I seem to be _insa.n.u.s inter sobrios_, for n.o.body accepts this thought from me.

"Hearty regards to you all.

"Ever yours,

"F. W. Newman."

It will be remembered that in 1851, though not until December, Louis Napoleon, nephew of Napoleon Bonaparte, had been successful in his aim of becoming President of the French Republic. But he had practically led his army through a sea of blood to reach this autocratic position. Later, in 1852, he made the French people designate him "Emperor of the French"

under the t.i.tle of Napoleon III.

Lord Russell had, with his ministers, brought their time of office to an end; and Lord Derby came in as Prime Minister at the head of a Conservative Party. He only remained in office a short time, however, and his successor was Lord Aberdeen, and Mr. Gladstone was Chancellor of the Exchequer.

In the letter which follows, Newman vindicates the honour of Kossuth, whose friend and helper he was when Kossuth came to England for funds to set going the new Hungarian revolution against Austria. With the views of Charles d.i.c.kens, of course, Newman had not the slightest sympathy.

"7 P.V.E., "_19th Dec._, 1851.

"My dear Nicholson,

"I never see d.i.c.kens' _Household Narrative_, and therefore cannot answer; but I do not believe there is any 'alternative side' against Kossuth's character. (d.i.c.kens is, in my judgment, a foolish man; he writes on centralization and despotism like an Austrian: however, so does Carlyle often.) But all that can be said against Kossuth is, that up to the age of twenty-two or twenty-three he was a thoughtless young man, who liked hunting and gambling. Since that age he is irreproachable, the proof of which is, that the Austrian _Times_ has not a word to say against him.

Their libel about the Orphan Fund was at once refuted by Count Ladislaus Vay, but they would not insert Count Vay's letter, or even acknowledge it.

I think, indeed, the Continental Republicans may be proud of their leaders.

"Lord Palmerston seems to me to be entangled in _routine_ and old creeds, so that he does not do all the justice he might to his better wishes; but I also think he loves _place_ better than to carry out those wishes....

"Ever yours heartily,

"F. W. Newman."

The letter in January, 1853, which is next in order, is largely concerned with Mazzini. As is well known, Mazzini was an Italian patriot and Republican, born in the same year as was Newman. When he was only sixteen, seeing the refugees who fled from the unfortunate rising in Piedmont, he determined then and there to rescue his country when he should be old enough to do so. He made "the first great sacrifice of his life" in giving up the study of literature (which he loved) for direct political action.

He joined the Carbonari in 1829, though he was not in sympathy with their aims or organization.

In 1830 he was imprisoned by the Sardinian police. There, in his prison cell, he thought out his plan of action for his country, and on being released he went and organized the "Young Italy a.s.sociation." The object of it was to teach the ma.s.s of the people first to know their rights, and then to obtain them. The end of all his efforts for his people as regarded himself was this:--

In 1832 he was expelled from the country, but he managed to remain hidden at Ma.r.s.eilles; and from that time for twenty years he led "a life of voluntary imprisonment within the four walls of a little room." In 1844 Mazzini accused the English Government of having opened his letters and told their contents to the authorities of Italy. This set the whole of England against him, but Carlyle defended him in great measure, and testified to the worthiness of his n.o.ble struggle for his country's freedom. Later, in 1848, when the Lombard revolt broke out, he took the part of the revolutionaries with vigour.

In 1852 he planned the revolt at Mantua, and in 1853 at Milan. Others were set going later. He had started in London (with Kossuth) the European a.s.sociation, and issued in September, 1855, its "republican manifesto." He strongly condemned the agreement made in 1859 between Napoleon III and Piedmont, because he foresaw its inevitable consequences. Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Cavour were a trio who largely influenced their country's destiny. Garibaldi has been called the knight-errant; Mazzini, the prophet of Italian unity; and Cavour was the hub which formed the centre of the wheel of Italy's fortunes.

[Ill.u.s.tration: FACSIMILE OF LETTER FROM FRANCIS NEWMAN, DECEMBER, 1855]

"7 P.V.E.

"Friday night, _28th Jan._, 1853.

"My dear Nicholson,

"As regards Mazzini, I am both glad and sorry. I cannot pretend to know the _truth_, and fear to say what may unjustly disparage him; but he has fallen a little in my secret judgment. I am _told_ (and I cannot test the a.s.sertion) that Mazzini wrote to Italy to _implore_ his countrymen to be patient, and not to make any attempts at resistance, even though the best among them were slaughtered; and added: But if you will and must make your attempt _now_, then by all means I shall come--not to conquer with you; for of that I have no hope--but to die with you. Now I cannot learn whether this was simultaneously with his writing to tell us that he was in high hopes of success, and only wanted 3000 to turn probability into something like certainty. If it was simultaneous, he is not the less patriot; but he thinks 'the point of honour' requires he should tell a lie to his English friends in order to get the wherewith to die a martyr's death; and it makes it very hard to trust his simple truth in future. But if (as one friend of his thinks) Mazzini's own opinion has changed, it lowers one's notion of his discernment. In fact, it is scarcely credible to _me_. There are those, I find, who have lately helped him to money, expressly thinking it was a going to martyrdom, but believing he was bent on it, and that possibly he may now do more good to Italy by his death than ever he can do by his life. I cannot take this view. I believe the tyrants would have the good sense to destroy him so secretly that no moral effect should follow from his death; and if he utterly disapproved of an outbreak, I do not understand the 'honour' which should make him go to useless destruction when his life may be so valuable. It is not the same thing to an exile as to a soldier in a rank, for the exile necessarily comes too late. However, I do not know whether at this instant Mazzini may be disguised in Italy: he is so retired and so stealthy. I expect he will (be) betrayed sooner or later, if he plays so bold a game. Nevertheless I am glad that (for whatever reason) the Italians are still quiet. Louis Napoleon will certainly sooner or later get embroiled; and unless there were new facts unknown to me ... I earnestly hope they will wait. The Germans are a slow people; but they will move in time. Every German I see believes this.... 'We without them cannot be made perfect,' seems to me the clue to European oppressions. While stupid barbarism exists in ma.s.ses, it will be the tool of tyranny against the more educated and refined and wealthy....

"Ever yours, "F. W. Newman."

In November, 1855, he discusses public affairs, with relation to Louis Napoleon, with Dr. Nicholson:--

"....I should indeed like to have the talk on public affairs which you suggested; but things have moved on since then! Friends of mine dread that the difficulties of French finance will precipitate Louis N. into a base peace. I argue,--it will then be into one so base that the French will not endure it. For the Russians _know_ the French difficulties; and if proposals of peace come first from France, or if they see French action become slacker, they will yield _nothing_, and make sure of a peace which saves all their territory and reserves all their free action.... Only yesterday came the news of Omar Pasha's 5th November victory. Even if it be exaggerated, still the repulse at Kars and this new defeat make it impossible for Russia to make peace _now_ without a humiliation such as L.

N. cannot attempt to remove. It _may_ so be that L. N. will be blown up by his finance and by popular discontent; it may also be that his difficulties will lead him to make popular concessions to the spirit of freedom, as is usual when great sacrifices are demanded of a nation; or it may be that he will get through with a struggle, putting French finance on a healthier footing than has ever been yet. But I think, if he stands, he _must_ carry on the war; and the more he feels his dangers, the more vehemently will he resolve to stick at nothing necessary for success, and will bid high to get Sweden to join us, which means to despoil Russia of Finland and Poland.

"And if he is overthrown all Italy will rise, and after it Hungary, and after it Germany and Poland....

"It grieves me much that Kossuth has united his name with Ledru Rollin's; and altogether I think Kossuth is so _soured_ by the misconduct of the Western Cabinets as to lose his soundness of judgment and fairness of reasoning.... Through 1854 his tone became more demagogic, less dignified, more defiant to authorities. He is now contemptuous to the British _nation_ also, though I think it has throughout displayed precisely the sound instinct which he so often ascribes to nations, and from which he says a statesman must catch his inspiration. Our _nation_ did not know what he knew--that Austria had given just ground of war to Turkey--that Turkey was ready in October, 1853, to ally with Hungary against Austria; nor could it know what were the military facilities for overthrowing Austria, nor whether the stubborn resistance of Louis Napoleon was what forced Aberdeen into his policy. But the nation since the Russian invasion of Hungary has practically felt how dangerous to all foreign liberty is the Russian power, and the absolute necessity of repressing and curtailing it; and this determination of the people has made the war a reality, has given power to that side of the Cabinet which alone was willing to go forward, has displayed itself equally in our lowest distress and our chief triumph, which Kossuth ought to honour....

"I doubt whether his union with Ledru Rollin is approved by any eminent Hungarian in England.