Life of Johnson Volume I Part 19

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[Page 218: Johnson's masters in style. A.D. 1750.]

[Page 219: A Great Personage. aetat 41.]

The style of this work has been censured by some shallow criticks as involved and turgid, and abounding with antiquated and hard words. So ill-founded is the first part of this objection, that I will challenge all who may honour this book with a perusal, to point out any English writer whose language conveys his meaning with equal force and perspicuity. It must, indeed, be allowed, that the structure of his sentences is expanded, and often has somewhat of the inversion of Latin; and that he delighted to express familiar thoughts in philosophical language; being in this the reverse of Socrates, who, it was said, reduced philosophy to the simplicity of common life. But let us attend to what he himself says in his concluding paper: 'When common words were less pleasing to the ear, or less distinct in their signification, I have familiarised the terms of philosophy, by applying them to popular ideas[647].' And, as to the second part of this objection, upon a late careful revision of the work, I can with confidence say, that it is amazing how few of those words, for which it has been unjustly characterised, are actually to be found in it; I am sure, not the proportion of one to each paper. This idle charge has been echoed from one babbler to another, who have confounded Johnson's Essays with Johnson's _Dictionary_; and because he thought it right in a Lexicon of our language to collect many words which had fallen into disuse, but were supported by great authorities, it has been imagined that all of these have been interwoven into his own compositions. That some of them have been adopted by him unnecessarily, may, perhaps, be allowed; but, in general they are evidently an advantage, for without them his stately ideas would be confined and cramped. 'He that thinks with more extent than another, will want words of larger meaning[648].' He once told me, that he had formed his style upon that of Sir William Temple[649], and upon Chambers's Proposal for his _Dictionary_[650]. He certainly was mistaken; or if he imagined at first that he was imitating Temple, he was very unsuccessful; for nothing can be more unlike than the simplicity of Temple, and the richness of Johnson. Their styles differ as plain cloth and brocade. Temple, indeed, seems equally erroneous in supposing that he himself had formed his style upon Sandys's _View of the State of Religion in the Western parts of the World_.

The style of Johnson was, undoubtedly, much formed upon that of the great writers in the last century, Hooker, Bacon, Sanderson, Hakewell, and others; those 'GIANTS[651],' as they were well characterised by A GREAT PERSONAGE[652], whose authority, were I to name him, would stamp a reverence on the opinion.

[Page 220: The motto to the Dictionary. A.D. 1750.]

We may, with the utmost propriety, apply to his learned style that pa.s.sage of Horace, a part of which he has taken as the motto to his _Dictionary_[653]:

'c.u.m tabulis animum censoris sumet honesti; Audebit quaec.u.mque parum splendoris habebunt Et sine pondere erunt, et honore indigna ferentur, Verba movere loco, quamvis invita recedant, Et versentur adhuc intra penetralia Vesta.

Obscurata diu populo bonus eruet, atque Proferet in lucem speciosa vocabula rerum, Quae priscis memorala Calonibus alque Cethegis, Nunc situs informis premit et deserta vel.u.s.tas: Adsciscet nova, quae genitor produxerit usus: Vehemens, et liquidus, puroque simillimus amni, Fundet opes Latiumque beabit divile lingua.[654]'

[Page 221: Johnson not a coiner of words. aetat 41.]

To so great a master of thinking, to one of such vast and various knowledge as Johnson, might have been allowed a liberal indulgence of that licence which Horace claims in another place:

'Si forte necesse est Indiciis monstrare recentibus abdita rerum, Fingere cinctutis non exaudita Cethegis Continget, dabiturque licentia sumpta pudenter: Et nova fictaque nuper habebunt verba fidem si Graeco fonte cadant, parce detorta. Quid autem Caecilio Plautoque dabit Roma.n.u.s, ademptum Virgilio Varioque? Ego cur, acquirere pauca Si possum, invideor; c.u.m lingua Catonis et Enni Sermonem patrium ditaverit, et nova rerum Nomina protulerit? Licuit semperque licebit Signatum praesente nota producere nomen[655].'

Yet Johnson a.s.sured me, that he had not taken upon him to add more than four or five words to the English language, of his own formation[656]; and he was very much offended at the general licence, by no means 'modestly taken' in his time, not only to coin new words, but to use many words in senses quite different from their established meaning, and those frequently very fantastical[657].

[Page 222: Johnson's influence on style. A.D. 1750.]

Sir Thomas Brown[658], whose life Johnson wrote, was remarkably fond of Anglo-Latian diction; and to his example we are to ascribe Johnson's sometimes indulging himself in this kind of phraseology'. Johnson's comprehension of mind was the mould for his language. Had his conceptions been narrower, his expression would have been easier. His sentences have a dignified march; and, it is certain, that his example has given a general elevation to the language of his country, for many of our best writers have approached very near to him; and, from the influence which he has had upon our composition, scarcely any thing is written now that is not better expressed than was usual before he appeared to lead the national taste.

[Page 223: Courtenay's lines on Johnson's school. aetat 41.]

This circ.u.mstance, the truth of which must strike every critical reader, has been so happily enforced by Mr. Courtenay, in his _Moral and Literary Character of Dr. Johnson_, that I cannot prevail on myself to withhold it, notwithstanding his, perhaps, too great partiality for one of his friends:

'By nature's gifts ordain'd mankind to rule, He, like a t.i.tian, form'd his brilliant school; And taught congenial spirits to excel, While from his lips impressive wisdom fell.

Our boasted GOLDSMITH felt the sovereign sway: From him deriv'd the sweet, yet nervous lay.

To Fame's proud cliff he bade our Raphael rise; Hence REYNOLDS' pen with REYNOLDS' pencil vies.

With Johnson's flame melodious BURNEY glows, While the grand strain in smoother cadence flows.

And you, MALONE, to critick learning dear.

Correct and elegant, refin'd though clear, By studying him, acquir'd that cla.s.sick taste, Which high in Shakspeare's fane thy statue plac'd.

Near Johnson STEEVENS stands, on scenick ground, Acute, laborious, fertile, and profound.

Ingenious HAWKESWORTH to this school we owe.

And scarce the pupil from the tutor know.

Here early parts accomplish'd JONES sublimes, And science blends with Asia's lofty rhymes: Harmonious JONES! who in his splendid strains Sings Camdeo's sports, on Agra's flowery plains: In Hindu fictions while we fondly trace Love and the Muses, deck'd with Attick grace.

Amid these names can BOSWELL be forgot, Scarce by North Britons now esteem'd a Scot[659]?

Who to the sage devoted from his youth, Imbib'd from him the sacred love of truth; The keen research, the exercise of mind, And that best art, the art to know mankind.-- Nor was his energy confin'd alone To friends around his philosophick throne; _Its influence wide improv'd our letter'd isle.

And lucid vigour marked the general style_: As Nile's proud waves, swoln from their oozy bed.

First o'er the neighbouring meads majestick spread; Till gathering force, they more and more expand.

And with new virtue fertilise the land.'

Johnson's language, however, must be allowed to be too masculine for the delicate gentleness of female writing. His ladies, therefore, seem strangely formal, even to ridicule; and are well denominated by the names which he has given them as Misella[660], Zozima, Properantia, Rhodoclia.

[Page 224: The styles of addison and Johnson. A.D. 1750.]

It has of late been the fas.h.i.+on to compare the style of Addison and Johnson, and to depreciate, I think very unjustly, the style of Addison as nerveless and feeble[661], because it has not the strength and energy of that of Johnson. Their prose may be balanced like the poetry of Dryden and Pope. Both are excellent, though in different ways. Addison writes with the ease of a gentleman. His readers fancy that a wise and accomplished companion is talking to them; so that he insinuates his sentiments and taste into their minds by an imperceptible influence.

Johnson writes like a teacher. He dictates to his readers as if from an academical chair. They attend with awe and admiration; and his precepts are impressed upon them by his commanding eloquence. Addison's style, like a light wine, pleases everybody from the first. Johnson's, like a liquor of more body, seems too strong at first, but, by degrees, is highly relished; and such is the melody of his periods, so much do they captivate the ear, and seize upon the attention, that there is scarcely any writer, however inconsiderable, who does not aim, in some degree, at the same species of excellence. But let us not ungratefully undervalue that beautiful style, which has pleasingly conveyed to us much instruction and entertainment. Though comparatively weak, opposed to Johnson's Herculean vigour, let us not call it positively feeble. Let us remember the character of his style, as given by Johnson himself[662]: 'What he attempted, he performed; he is never feeble, and he did not wish to be energetick; he is never rapid, and he never stagnates. His sentences have neither studied amplitude, nor affected brevity: his periods, though not diligently rounded, are voluble and easy[663]. Whoever wishes to attain an English style, familiar but not coa.r.s.e, and elegant but not ostentatious, must give his days and nights to the volumes of Addison[664].'

[Page 225: Boswell's projected works. aetat 41.]

[Page 226: The last Rambler. A.D. 1750.]

Though the _Rambler_ was not concluded till the year 1752, I shall, under this year, say all that I have to observe upon it. Some of the translations of the mottos by himself are admirably done. He acknowledges to have received 'elegant translations' of many of them from Mr. James Elphinston; and some are very happily translated by a Mr.

_F. Lewis_[665], of whom I never heard more, except that Johnson thus described him to Mr. Malone: 'Sir, he lived in London, and hung loose upon society.' The concluding paper of his _Rambler_ is at once dignified and pathetick. I cannot, however, but wish that he had not ended it with an unnecessary Greek verse, translated also into an English couplet[666]. It is too much like the conceit of those dramatick poets, who used to conclude each act with a rhyme; and the expression in the first line of his couplet, '_Celestial powers_', though proper in Pagan poetry, is ill suited to Christianity, with 'a conformity[667]' to which he consoles himself. How much better would it have been, to have ended with the prose sentence 'I shall never envy the honours which wit and learning obtain in any other cause, if I can be numbered among the writers who have given ardour to virtue, and confidence to truth[668].'

His friend, Dr. Birch, being now engaged in preparing an edition of Ralegh's smaller pieces, Dr. Johnson wrote the following letter to that gentleman:

'To DR. BIRCH.

'Gough-square, May 12, 1750.

'SIR,

'Knowing that you are now preparing to favour the publick with a new edition of Ralegh's[669] miscellaneous pieces, I have taken the liberty to send you a Ma.n.u.script, which fell by chance within my notice. I perceive no proofs of forgery in my examination of it; and the owner tells me, that as _he_[670] has heard, the handwriting is Sir Walter's. If you should find reason to conclude it genuine, it will be a kindness to the owner, a blind person[671], to recommend it to the booksellers. I am, Sir,

'Your most humble servant,

'SAM. JOHNSON.'

[Page 227: Milton's grand-daughter. aetat 41.]

[Page 228: Lauder's imposition. A.D. 1751.]

His just abhorrence of Milton's political notions was ever strong. But this did not prevent his warm admiration of Milton's great poetical merit, to which he has done ill.u.s.trious justice, beyond all who have written upon the subject. And this year he not only wrote a Prologue, which was spoken by Mr. Garrick before the acting of _Comus_ at Drury-lane theatre, for the benefit of Milton's grand-daughter, but took a very zealous interest in the success of the charity[672]. On the day preceding the performance, he published the following letter in the 'General Advertiser,' addressed to the printer of that paper:

'SIR,

'That a certain degree of reputation is acquired merely by approving the works of genius, and testifying a regard to the memory of authours, is a truth too evident to be denied; and therefore to ensure a partic.i.p.ation of fame with a celebrated poet, many who would, perhaps, have contributed to starve him when alive, have heaped expensive pageants upon his grave[673].

'It must, indeed, be confessed, that this method of becoming known to posterity with honour, is peculiar to the great, or at least to the wealthy; but an opportunity now offers for almost every individual to secure the praise of paying a just regard to the ill.u.s.trious dead, united with the pleasure of doing good to the living. To a.s.sist industrious indigence, struggling with distress and debilitated by age, is a display of virtue, and an acquisition of happiness and honour.

'Whoever, then, would be thought capable of pleasure in reading the works of our incomparable Milton, and not so dest.i.tute of grat.i.tude as to refuse to lay out a trifle in rational and elegant entertainment, for the benefit of his living remains, for the exercise of their own virtue, the increase of their reputation, and the pleasing consciousness of doing good, should appear at Drury-lane theatre to-morrow, April 5, when _Comus_ will be performed for the benefit of Mrs. Elizabeth Foster, grand-daughter to the author, and the only surviving branch of his family.

'N.B. There will be a new prologue on the occasion, written by the author of _Irene[674], and spoken by Mr. Garrick; and, by particular desire, there will be added to the Masque a dramatick satire, called _Lethe_, in which Mr. Garrick will perform.'

[Page 229: Douglas's MILTON NO PLAGIARY. aetat 42.]

1751: aeTAT. 42.--In 1751[675] we are to consider him as carrying on both his _Dictionary_ and _Rambler_. But he also wrote _The Life of Cheynel_[676],[*] in the miscellany called _The Student_; and the Reverend Dr. Douglas having, with uncommon acuteness, clearly detected a gross forgery and imposition upon the publick by William Lauder, a Scotch schoolmaster, who had, with equal impudence and ingenuity, represented Milton as a plagiary from certain modern Latin poets, Johnson, who had been so far imposed upon as to furnish a Preface and Postscript to his work, now dictated a letter for Lauder, addressed to Dr. Douglas, acknowledging his fraud in terms of suitable contrition.[677]

[Page 230: Johnson tricked by Lander. A.D. 1751.]

This extraordinary attempt of Lauder was no sudden effort. He had brooded over it for many years: and to this hour it is uncertain what his princ.i.p.al motive was, unless it were a vain notion of his superiority, in being able, by whatever means, to deceive mankind. To effect this, he produced certain pa.s.sages from Grotius, Masenius, and others, which had a faint resemblance to some parts of the _Paradise Lost_. In these he interpolated some fragments of Hog's Latin translation of that poem, alledging that the ma.s.s thus fabricated was the archetype from which Milton copied.[678] These fabrications he published from time to time in the _Gentleman s Magazine_; and, exulting in his fancied success, he in 1750 ventured to collect them into a pamphlet, ent.i.tled _An Essay on Milton's Use and Imitation of the Moderns in his Paradise Lost_. To this pamphlet Johnson wrote a Preface[679], in full persuasion of Lauder's honesty, and a Postscript recommending, in the most persuasive terms[680], a subscription for the relief of a grand-daughter of Milton, of whom he thus speaks:

Life of Johnson Volume I Part 19

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Life of Johnson Volume I Part 19 summary

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