Abolition a Sedition Part 6

We are prepared, however, to point out a way, the burden of which no man will feel, and one that is practicable, too. To enforce abolition without indemnification, would be as bad for the slave, as for the master, because it would be the ruin of both; it would blot from future history all those political Commonwealths, because they would be absolutely too poor to maintain themselves.

The most formidable difficulty of Abolitionism, therefore, and the most disorganizing principle, of all, plants itself on the very threshold of the enterprise: _non-indemnification_. Their only reason, so far as we understand, is, that indemnification would be a tacit and implied confession on the _right_ of slavery. Admitting, that Abolitionists themselves think and feel so; the rest of the public do not; Abolitionists, therefore, would neither be weakened in principle, nor injured in fact, by giving up this point, except in the workings of their own imagination. This can be a valid objection only as it vitiates principle before the eyes of the public, and in the view of opponents. That, however, not being the fact, the objection ought to lose its force. But suppose some mischievous wags _should_ say to the Abolitionists: "Well, gentlemen, you have given up a main principle, after all"--as they would be int.i.tled to make declaration of their reason for consenting to indemnification, they would not only be defended on that point, but receive credit for making a concession, that involves no sacrifice of principle, for the public good. Consent to indemnification, either for one reason or for another--and every man may have his own reason--and one of the princ.i.p.al causes of the contest is superseded. But will the Abolitionists, from sheer stubbornness, insist upon a point, which, if carried, will ruin the slave States, and reduce them to beggary, involving in the catastrophe the ruin of the slaves; upon a point, which levels its blow at the foundation stone of the fabric of society, as it has heretofore existed; upon a point, which, unless human nature be miraculously changed, can never, no never, be gained, without the effusion of blood, no one can tell how much, or what state of things may succeed?

Let that point be once properly adjusted, as it may be without compromitting the principles of either party, and much, very much will be gained towards pacification. It is not unlikely, indeed, that the zeal of some engaged in the cause, when they shall find that they may be required to put their hands in their pockets, will be somewhat cooled. And is it not reasonable to suppose also, that some other men's zeal will be somewhat sharpened, when they shall find what will be to them--without imputing any such motives to the aggressors--a horde of bandits at their doors to rob them of their all?

But it may possibly be said, "We do not exactly see how the giving up of slave property, without indemnification, will be the ruin of the slave States." Then we think it must be for the want of eyes.

The value of all capital is commercial, and accidental, and depends on the ever s.h.i.+fting conditions of political society. This may be seen and ill.u.s.trated by the fluctuating price of that species of capital, called stocks, which is to be found in the market of every civilized community. The price of stocks never makes a false report, as to the political aspects of society, but is as infallible a guage in this particular, as is the thermometer of the weather; and the wise statesman understands it. The same principle which determines the value of this species of capital, determines the value of every other.

It only happens that the guage of one is always visible, and that of the others invisible, until they come into market.

The moment emanc.i.p.ation for the British West Indies began to be agitated, the value of slave and other property connected with it, began to fall, and continued to fall, till the certainty of the event reduced it to about one third of what it would otherwise have been, at which time it was redeemed by the British Government at the commercial valuation. It was only public faith in the Government which kept it from going down to nothing; and _this nothing_ would of course have been the ruin of the former state of society. What might succeed to such a revolution, would have depended on contingencies which no human foresight could solve beforehand, as every thing would have required to be erected on a new basis. It is a new basis even as it is, but saved from the wreck of a revolution by the care of the British Government; and it is to be hoped, that the wise counsels and strong arm of that Government will make it do well. It is, however, to be observed, that the actual depreciation of slave and other property in the British West Indies, during and in consequence of the Abolition agitation, was so much loss to the individual holders during that period, it being 40,000,000 sterling in slave property alone, if the price of redemption be a.s.sumed to have been _one-third_ of the hypothetical estimate. It may, possibly, be said, that this is imaginary; but the only sure criterion is the commercial value at any given time, which is always the true value.

In the same manner, the slave property of the southern States, and other portions of their wealth necessarily connected with it, will sink instantly, whenever it shall be seen that the Abolition movement is likely to break down the only protection which it has; and the wealth of the slave States will dwindle, and continue to dwindle, so long as there is any uncertainty in their political prospects arising from such a cause, and in exact proportion to the degree of that uncertainty. This is a principle, a law of society, that is sure to prevail over all other laws, because it is the concentrated action of the entire machinery of society on a single point for the time being, and so far as occasion calls, resulting not from the force of legislation directly--though it may be indirectly--but from the watchful care which every man has over his own interests, in a given state of things.

Political economy, in all its accidental bearings and in its scope, is, indeed, deep water for any man to dive into; but there are certain practical principles, applicable to this question, which may be obvious to all minds. First, slave property is the capital of the slave States. No dispute about that, as a general truth, and sufficiently comprehensive to decide the question now before us.

Consequently, it is this property which gives value to all other property. Take it away, without a fair consideration, without indemnification, and all that portion of the United States is ruined.

This is the nutsh.e.l.l of the matter, and comprehends it all.

"No, no," it is said: "the same bone, and muscle, and sinews are there." Nay, but you have changed the whole machinery of society; you have revolutionized it; you have put the master in the power of the quondam slave, and const.i.tuted the latter master over the former, without leaving the quondam master a penny in his pocket, unless peradventure, by some good luck, here and there one may have an interest somewhere else beyond the reach of your rapacity. Even with a fair and full indemnification in the present master's hand, or subject to his order, after such a revolution; and in the midst of its disorders and unsettled condition of things, it would be, as we think, somewhat more than enough to baffle ordinary wisdom and perseverance to establish permanently and comfortably that new and untried state of society, that would be required; and it is not unlikely, that enough would abandon the attempt in discouragement,--seeking a better fortune in other States and Territories of the Union--to leave the residue inadequate to sustain the interests of the several Commonwealths thus deserted, in any degree of prosperity. They might dwindle and decline, till all would be glad to be out of them, if they could conscientiously. This is purely a question of domestic and political economy, that would depend on the practical workings of such a system.

If this were the only field open before them, then they would all be compelled to stay, and put to their strength, and make the best of it.

But we know, that men are always governed by their interests, and habits, as to where they will stay or go.

Certainly, we do not present the doubtfulness of such a prospect, pending on such contingencies, as an objection to the measure; but as one that claims to be considered in this discussion, that will of course be considered by the parties immediately concerned. It is impossible to determine beforehand how many influences, in such a new state of things, might operate to their discouragement or the contrary, or what would be the balance of those influences on either side, after each shall have been neutralized by each, to the extent of their action. It is sufficiently obvious, however, that they would require all the capital invested in a fair indemnification for the property resigned, to work such a system advantageously. It would be enough, and probably more than many of them could well endure, to change all their habits of society and of living so entirely as the new system would require; and those who could not satisfactorily accommodate themselves to it, would of course emigrate--and a general disposition to emigrate would probably involve political ruin--that is, ruin absolute; for nothing is better for mankind, in their a.s.sociated capacity, than political prosperity, and nothing worse than political adversity.

Admitting, then, that the effects of the operation of such a system on the internal condition, absolute wealth, and political prosperity of the present slave States, would present the result as _simply doubtful_, as to what it would be with the capital of indemnification available on the premises--what would it be without any indemnification at all? We think this question might fairly be set down as the end of the story and of the argument. Every practical man must see, that it would be beggary and ruin; and that the entire field must be abandoned to the colored race, now there, to set up such a state of society as they might be able, unless the Government of the United States, in charity, should take it in charge as an immense poor house, to make the best of it they could--the white population in the mean time, reduced to poverty, and going out where they might, to begin the world anew.

But do the Abolitionists say, "These are questions we never regard ourselves as bound to consider, and consequences with which we have nothing to do." But gentlemen, you _are_ bound to consider these questions; you _cannot_ rid yourselves of the responsibility of these consequences, if the work that produces them be yours. "But, _no matter_ what becomes of the master, so the slave be free; if the master _should_ be ruined, he has well deserved it." _Say_ this, gentlemen, but _once_--say it _openly_, _fairly_, _publicly_, that the world may understand you--and we think, that will be enough.

But do the Abolitionists still say, "We can neither talk nor treat with persons or parties, who speak of '_slave property_,' of property in the persons of men, a thing not possible _to be_, and an idea not to be tolerated for a moment, wherever, and whatever authority, may have usurped it." This may be a very good reason why they should not talk _at all_ on the subject, since it is a simple matter of fact, which const.i.tutes the matter and ground of controversy. We hope we have a proper respect for scruples of conscience, and that we are sufficiently unwilling to disturb nervous sensitiveness; but we have not forgotten honest Joe's definition of his own conscience, in a certain case, when hardly pressed, viz. "I wont." Nothing would more effectually put a party in argument, _hors de combat_, than such logic. There is really no getting at them; and yet they insist on having to do with the matter. We have probably as great an aversion to _the thing_ signified by these terms, as the Abolitionists; at least, we used to have, and we have seen no good reason for a change of sentiment. But for the practical purposes of so great a theme, if we think fit to meddle with it, we see not how such language can be avoided, as it is indispensible to set forth the facts of the case.

But, if the Abolitionists prefer to foreclose debate, by saying, "We lay our hands upon our swords, in the presence of all persons, who shall presume thus to insult humanity, and a.s.sume this defiance in the presence of the country, and before the world, as to the cause in which we are engaged, the Const.i.tution and the laws of the land and the Government and all the slave States to the contrary notwithstanding," there is of course an end of logic, and of "free discussion;" and their position would be well understood, under such a frank avowal. But we cannot say, that we are prepared to commend it; although we are unable to see, how this violent setting aside of the only terms of debate, through the medium of which the subject can be approached, and yet urging forward the irresistible momentum of their tremendous machinery on the parties most intimately concerned in this question, is much short of this.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE CONDITION OF AMERICAN SLAVES AS COMPARED WITH OTHER PORTIONS OF THE AFRICAN RACE.

There is nothing but the most _enlarged_ view of a great question, that can fairly determine its merits; and it cannot be denied, that slavery is _one_ of the great questions appertaining to the social state of mankind, and to the political state of the world. It is so great, in our opinion, that it can neither be disposed of by the logic of visionary theorists, nor by a _coup du main_ of an ill-considered and intemperate effort, nor by any legerdemain of political quackery.

Ever since human society was set up, so far as history deposes, slavery has been a component element in one form or another. We suppose, there are some good reasons for saying, that there is no inst.i.tution--we beg pardon of the Abolitionists for using this term, and a.s.sure them that we mean nothing by it but the fact--none, that can a.s.sert a more ancient date, except that of matrimony, and the natural relations accruing therefrom; and none that has been more uninterrupted, since it was first set up. Reason might teach us, therefore, that a custom thus sanctioned by time and the history of human society, so deeply rooted, so thoroughly interwoven, and incorporated with the social fabric of large portions of the human family, however wrong it may be, so long as there is not a uniform opinion on the subject among those who have the charge of it, cannot be eradicated and put out of the way by a single blow.

We are aware, that the Abolitionists have published some very strong and significant doctrines, intended to be applied to the evils of the social system. For example in their last Annual Report:--"The very _vitality_ of human society for these six thousand years, has consisted in the victories of certain inst.i.tutions over others--_of the new over the old_--of the better over the worse--just as the heart, by successive tides of regenerated blood, chases corruption and death from the bodily system. Tyranny in all ages, has striven to carry this moral (political) non-intercourse (non-interference) law into practice, but never with success. Had it succeeded, where would have been our Christianity and its successive reformations?" &c. Who would not say, "Good Lord deliver us" from the operation of a principle, thus boldly avowed, which a.s.serts the right and necessity of everlasting revolution! and which plants itself on the platform, _that might is right_! Christianity itself is not protected from its invading sweep: "its successive _reformations_!" Where is the man in history, or living, that can lay claim to have _reformed_, or now to _reform_, Christianity? The very suggestion is blasphemous. And yet, it would seem, an ACT of this kind is even now, and among us, proposed to be enacted, because, forsooth, Christianity, after all "its reformations" and improvements, is not quite bold enough, is rather doubtful, and has even thrown out some suggestions a little adverse to the necessities of present exigencies!

But to return: Abolition simply, and in itself considered, is not the only question to be discussed, as the whole matter now presents itself to the mind of the public, and claims consideration. The phasis of the subject comprehends the broad disk of society. The Abolitionists have forced their opponents to this wide view, by having set the example.

They have brought up so many questions, and implicated so many principles, as to have set aside the main question; at least have thrown it into the back ground, so that the term Abolition no longer suggests alone the primitive idea of emanc.i.p.ation, nor hardly suggests it at all; but arrays before the mind a _system_ of principles, social and political, which are regarded by most people as of a very revolting character. It is impossible to meet such a foe without taking into consideration the ground which he occupies, without reconnoitring and surveying his position. He has already betrayed the poor slave, vitiated his cause, rivetted his chains, made all his prospects more hopeless, put far off the day of his emanc.i.p.ation, and at last run foul of a precipitous, frowning, and immoveable rock, that is likely to sit long in dignified composure on the base of the eternal hills, while the a.s.sailant exhausts his energies and breaks his sides by das.h.i.+ng against the rude and projecting points below.

The opponents of Abolition principles, therefore, are treated very unfairly when they are of course set down as opposed to emanc.i.p.ation.

This latter question cannot now be taken up, till the battle is concluded in defence of other and more momentous principles, for the subversion of which a disciplined army of Destructives has rushed into the field. Nevertheless, so long as the Abolitionists continue to hold up the slave--whose prospects they have ruined, till he gets better help--as a s.h.i.+eld for the accomplishment of other ends, it still remains necessary to give reasons why emanc.i.p.ation cannot be brought about with that precipitate haste which the Abolitionists propose.

We design, however, in this chapter, not to aim directly at the point above suggested, but to present somewhat of the _comparative condition_ of the slaves in the United States, princ.i.p.ally in relation to the history of the African race, since, at the time, and previous to the time, when the slave trade commenced, with the purpose of coming fairly to the conclusion, whether their condition in this country is an improvement or deterioration; and consequently, whether, in the Providence of G.o.d, and in their social right, as a distinct and separate race, they have a fair claim to the instant elevation among the people of this country, which the Abolitionists demand for them, if it can be obtained only at the expense of social order, and at the peril of our inst.i.tutions.

First, we observe, that the African race, in the Middle, Western, and more Southern parts of the Continent, have for many centuries, or from time immemorial, been most barbarous and degraded, and in the practice of domestic slavery on the largest scale and in the most inhuman forms, entirely independent of the effects of the slave traffic by exportation from Africa to America.

"It is evident," says Mungo Park, "that the system of slavery which prevails in Africa is of _no modern date_. It probably had its origin in the remote ages of antiquity, before the Mohammedans explored a path across the desert. How far it is maintained and supported by the slave traffic, which for two hundred years the nations of Europe have carried on with the natives of the Coast, it is neither within my province, nor in my power to explain. If my sentiments should be desired concerning the effect of a discontinuance of this commerce on the manners of the natives, _I should have no hesitation in saying_, that in the present unenlightened state of their minds, _my opinion is, the effect would neither be so extensive nor so beneficial as many wise and worthy persons fondly expect_."

Park estimates the domestic slavery of Africa, on an average, at _three fourths_, and Lander at _four fifths_, of the population. Some travellers have gone much higher, and we have seen it put down at _nine tenths_.

"In a speech delivered in the British House of Commons, by Mr.

Henniker, in 1789, the speaker a.s.serts, that a letter had been received by George III. from one of the most powerful of the African potentates, the Emperor of Dehomey, which exemplifies the notions of the Africans about the right to kill and enslave prisoners of war. He (the Emperor) stated: 'That as he understood King George was the greatest of white kings, so he thought himself the greatest of black ones.' He said, that he could lead 500,000 armed men into the field, that being the pursuit to which _all_ his subjects were bred, the women _only_ staying at home to plant and manure the earth. He had himself fought _two hundred and nine battles_, with great reputation and success, and had conquered the great king of Ardah. The king's head was to this day preserved with the flesh and hair; the heads of his generals were distinguished by being placed on each side of the doors of their Fetiches; with the heads of the inferior officers they paved the s.p.a.ce before the doors; and the heads of the common soldiers formed a sort of fringe or outwork round the walls of the palace.

Since this war he had experienced the greatest good fortune; and he hoped in good time to be able to complete the outwalls of all his great houses, _to the number of seven, in the same manner_.

"Mr. Norris, who visited this Empire, testifies to the truth of this letter. He found the palace of the Emperor an immense a.s.semblage of cane and mud tents, enclosed by a high wall. The skulls and jaw bones of enemies slain in battle, formed the favorite ornaments of the palaces and _temples_. The king's apartments were paved, and the walls and roofs stuck over, with these horrid trophies. _And if a farther supply appeared at any time desirable, he announced to his general_, THAT HIS HOUSE WANTED THATCH, _when a war for that purpose was immediately undertaken_."[10]

[Footnote 10: Professor Dew's Review &c.]

"All these unfortunate beings," prisoners of war, says Park, "are considered as strangers and foreigners, _who have no right to the protection of the law_, and may be treated with severity, or sold to a stranger, according to the pleasure of their owners. There are indeed, regular markets, where slaves of this description are bought and sold; and the value of a slave in the eye of an African purchaser increases in proportion to the distance from his native kingdom; for, when slaves are only a few days journey from the place of their nativity, they frequently effect their escape; but when one or more kingdoms intervene, escape being more difficult, they are more readily reconciled to their situation. On this account the unhappy slave is often transferred from one dealer to another, until he has lost all hope of returning to his native kingdom.

"A battle is fought; the vanquished never think of rallying again; the inhabitants become panic-struck; and the conquerors have only to bind the slaves, and carry off the victims and their plunder. Such of their prisoners as through age or infirmity are unable to endure fatigue, or are found unfit for sale, are considered useless, _and I have no doubt are put to death. The same fate commonly awaits chiefs, or any other persons who have taken a distinguished part in the war._"

The Rev. Stephen Kay, Corresponding member of the South African Inst.i.tution &c., gives a most heart rending account of the horrid barbarities of war; of the great extent and atrocities of slavery; of the extreme degradation and hards.h.i.+ps of females, who are always regarded and treated as slaves, and no longer valued when they become useless; of modes of torture and killing too shocking to be narrated; all of which, and many other atrocities of African barbarism, are the common scenes of those regions of Africa which he visited. Major Laing is to the same point, and various other travellers that have found motives to visit Africa, or to penetrate into its interior. There is no diversity of testimony on the subject, but one common voice going out upon the world, through a variety of channels, running back for ages, and from numerous and remote sections of that dark and cruel Continent, all certifying to their extreme barbarism and brutal degredation, with scarcely a gleam of intellectual light, or social comfort, beaming out from their history. Do not the readers of Mungo Park recollect the story of poor Nealee? Does not the world know the fate of Park himself, and of Lander? And are not the testimonies abundant to the barbarous treachery and atrocious cruelty of the race, independent of the effects of that European traffic in human flesh and blood, which began, between two and three hundred years ago, to draw off a fraction of this immense amount of human misery, which could scarcely be increased by the agonies and suffocations of "THE MIDDLE Pa.s.sAGE"? It was, indeed, this very state of things which presented temptations and opened the door to that traffic, which transplanted a portion of the African race to the Islands and Continent of this Western hemisphere. It is to the Africans themselves, that this trade owes its origin--to their barbarism, to their everlasting trade in war, and the glutting of their own marts with the blood and sinews of their own flesh all to the sore evil of this Continent, and to the inexpiable scandal of Christian Europe, that the flood gates of African barbarism were let out upon these Western Isles and sh.o.r.es, to gratify the l.u.s.t of gain in those monsters who carried on and profited by the traffic, and to entail a long protracted curse on the less guilty, though not innocent, tenants of this new world.

The continuance of this traffic, and the inhuman over-working of this race in the South American and West Indian Colonies appertaining to the Governments of Europe, are too notorious to require recitation. We are more concerned to notice the history and character of that slavery which is to be found in our own Republic, as the result of that trade which disgraced Christendom, and imposed on the Nations that tolerated and patronized it a fearful responsibility.

Now, what we have to say, in reference to the facts and general allusions appertaining to the history of the African race, comprehensively stated in this chapter, the truth and fairness of which we presume will not be drawn in question, is for the simple purpose of comparison. It is not to apologize for slavery; it is not to palliate, in any degree, the guilt of those agents who introduced it to this Continent; it is not to justify the principle of slavery; it is not to extenuate any of its evils; but simply to determine the question, so far as it may be obvious in the lights of such comparison, whether that portion of the African race to be found in the United States, are actually better off than they would have been any where else, in all reasonable probability?

We think, then, we are prepared to say, that when all the evils of slavery in the Southern States of this country are put together, without abatement in the smallest item; when the domestic slave trade is posted and summed up in all its worst features and worst consequences; when all the overworking of the proedul slave is brought into the account, with its attendant cruelties; when the driving system, so far as it exists, and all arbitrary severities of discipline for offences, are considered; and nothing of evil that belongs to the whole system in the United States be left out, the fair conclusion will be, that the whole sum is but a small fraction of the same cla.s.ses of evils that from time immemorial have belonged and still belong to the barbarism of the father land of this race--not reckoning other evils, scarcely to be told for their number, or estimated for their enormity or magnitude, to be found there, but not to be found here.

Although the difference is not of the same kind, nor probably so great, still the comparison of the slavery of the United States with that which has existed in the West Indies and other parts of America, presents the former in the light of comparative comfort and happiness.

It may be said, indeed, that in the British West Indies, the quondam slaves, so cruelly treated and so severely overworked, have at last come to their freedom; but it is by far too soon to estimate the result. In St. Domingo, where they have been free, or said to be free, nearly a half century, they are still under "overseers," and "drivers," still subject to the law of "pa.s.sports," still forced to work a specific number of hours on penalty of fines, imprisonments, and sundry severe modes of discipline, under "the _Code rural_" and "the _Code Henri_," differing in despotic character only, that the people are slaves to the Government, and not to private owners, and driven to work by a black man instead of a white man, when universally they prefer the white, as being more merciful of the two. The three great staples of Hayti fell off from 1791 under the French, to 1822 under Boyer: Sugar from 163,405,220 lbs. annually to 652,541 lbs.; Coffee from 68,151,180 lbs. annually to 35,117,834 lbs.; and Cotton from 6,286,126 lbs. annually to 891,950 lbs.; and have since declined, till the public revenue has fallen below the expenditures of the Government.

We see, then, that the _evils_ of American slavery are _blessings_ as compared with the general fate of the African race in their native Continent, independent of the effects of the exportation of slaves to foreign parts; and that they are light in comparison of other foreign servitude down to this date.

Let us now turn to the scale of comparative comfort and of actual privilege. In the first place, American slaves are placed in the midst of a high state of civilization, where their very bondage has rights secured by law which would be a blessing in Africa, even after deducting the entire scope of the arbitrary sway of masters. They are cl.u.s.tered round a refinement of manners, which, though it may have little influence for the benefit of the proedal slave, acts powerfully on the great body for their personal improvement and elevation in the scale of intellectual and moral being, and remotely has a favorable effect upon all. A great portion of them have been admitted to no inconsiderable degrees of intellectual and moral culture; domestic and body servants are often found highly improved and accomplished, whose principles, morals, and manners would be a good example to a large part of our white population; the privileges of the Gospel, and its blessed and eternal hopes, have been brought within the reach of a greater proportion of the slaves, than of the white population, who customarily _use_ them, when brought to their doors, and these privileges were being still farther extended till the crusade of the Abolitionists caused them to be abridged; the system of American slavery makes it the interest of the master to be careful of the physical const.i.tution of the slave, that it should not be impaired, and in this particular makes it preferable to the more cruel bondage of British manufactories; American masters are compelled by law to maintain the sick, the infirm, and the aged; the law itself enacts penalties for inhuman treatment, and public opinion sustains it, notwithstanding that in this, as in all states of society, the law may be better than the practice, still, however, it has its general influence for the protection of the slave, and demands justice for him when abused as well as for the abused white man; many of the slaves of this country have emerged, and are constantly emerging, from a state of bondage to a state of freedom, till they amount to about one sixth of the colored population, and are admitted to important civil, social, and religious privileges, though not to all which the Abolitionists claim for them, yet important and invaluable as compared with what they would have been likely to enjoy any where else; the public opinion of this country, previous to the present Abolition agitation, not excepting even that of the slave States, had been constantly growing more favourable to an increased amelioration of slavery, and to ultimate emanc.i.p.ation.

In a word: If we take into consideration the origin of this race, the barbarism, the brutal degradation, and the customary inhuman vices of their ancestry, which remain the same to this day in Africa; if we look at the different conditions and fate of other portions of the same race, who, in consequence of such a state of things in the land of their fathers, have been carried away from their native sh.o.r.es; and then compare the whole with the general progress of nations and tribes in human improvement over the face of the earth, we shall, as we think, be compelled to the conclusion, that no other people can be found on the globe, civilized or uncivilized, who have, within the same period of time, risen so much, or been improved so much, as a body, in their actual condition, social character, privileges, relations, and prospects, for time and for eternity, as that portion of the African race now to be found in the United States of North America.

Let it not be understood or said, that we adduce this _great fact_, as a bar to any claims that may be fairly a.s.serted by the colored people of this country, bond or free, or in their behalf, to still farther improvement; but only, that it is proper--that in present circ.u.mstances, we are bound--to take the most enlarged view of so great a question; that we are bound to consider, as human nature is, and in such a world as ours, that all nations and tribes, in their best estate, necessarily advance in improvement by _degrees_; that one tribe or nation cannot claim to rise at the expense of another, more especially when their own vices have put them at the bottom of the scale; and that all must fall in with the fair, proper, and unavoidable influence of time, events, and accidental circ.u.mstances, over which society, in a regular and const.i.tuted course of action, has no control. To insist on breaking in upon this general and conventional movement by violence, on disturbing the established order of human society, to force forward one race, one nation, one tribe, and one cla.s.s, at the expense of another, and in violation of the recognized principles and actual frame of society, is treason to society, and to the general rights of mankind. The time of absolute _perfectionism_, either as to individual character, or as to the structure of human society, in our opinion, has not yet come. And while all are anxious for improvement, public and private, and are striving for it, all must consent to carry it forward on recognized principles--on principles which will not tear down society, and subvert and overthrow important advantages and vital interests already acquired for common good.

We say, then, as much as we sympathize with the colored population of this country--and we solemnly aver, that we are not wanting in such sympathy--in all that they are deprived of social advantages and political privileges enjoyed by the white population, in all that they fall below the most satisfactory standard and elevation in human improvement--we say, that we do not see how they can fairly claim to rise by _one step_ to such a desirable point, contrary to the usual modes of progress in human society, and contrary to the known laws and capabilities of human nature, if it must be to the disturbance of the peace of the community, and to the great peril of our Government and its inst.i.tutions. We have seen, that the colored population of this country, as a body, have not been injured, but benefitted, by the position which they now occupy, not only in comparison with the history of the race to which they belong, but also in comparison with the common history of other tribes and nations. They undoubtedly occupy at this moment the highest point of actual comfort, of social condition, and of general privilege, which has yet fallen to the lot of any portion of the African race.

We have now done with this branch of the subject, and have only to add, that we shall be treated with great injustice, if these considerations are received as having been offered for any other purpose than a s.h.i.+eld alike to the social and political fabric of our country against violence, and to the best interests of the colored race.

CHAPTER XIX.

THE EXAMPLE OF QUAKERS, OR SOCIETY OF FRIENDS.