Pinnock's improved edition of Dr. Goldsmith's History of Rome Part 23

FOOTNOTES:

[1] These laws were engraven on bra.s.s, and hung up in the most conspicuous part of the Forum.

[2] They were, however, defeated, first by the consul Vale'rius, and next still more decisively by the consuls Quinc'tius and Fu'rius.

[3] The duty of the censors, at first, was merely to perform the census, or numbering of the people. It was by degrees that they became _Magistri Morum_, or inspectors and regulators of men's lives and manners.

[4] They appointed an extraordinary magistrate, under the t.i.tle of _superintendent of provisions_, and the person named for this office, L. Minutius, an active and prudent man, immediately sent his agents into the neighbouring countries to buy corn; but little, however was procured, as Maelius had been beforehand with him. (Liv. l. iv. c. 13, 14.)

[5] The guilt of Mae'lius was never proved, and no arms were found when his house was searched. The charge of aiming at royalty is more than absurd; it is morally impossible. He seems to have aimed at opening the higher offices of state to the plebeians, and to have looked upon the consuls.h.i.+p with too eager desire. He fell a sacrifice, to deter the plebeians from aiming at breaking up a patrician monopoly of power. It is painful to see Cincinna'tus, at the close of a long and ill.u.s.trious life, countenancing, if not suggesting this wanton murder.

But, as Niebuhr remarks, "no where have characters been more cruel, no where has the voice of conscience against the views of faction been so defied, as in the aristocratic republics, and not those of antiquity only. Men, otherwise of spotless conduct, have frequently shed the purest and n.o.blest blood, influenced by fanaticism, and often without any resentment, in the service of party."

[6] The account of the siege of Ve'ii is full of improbabilities, and the story of the mine is utterly impossible, for without a compa.s.s and a good plan of the city, such a work could not have been formed. That Ve'ii, however, was besieged and taken at this time is very certain, but that is the only part of the legend on which we can rely.

[7] The _as_ was a bra.s.s coin, about three farthings of our money.

[8] This day was from henceforth marked as unlucky in their calendar, and called Allien'sis.

[9] Among others, the Vestals fled from the city, carrying with them the two Palladiums and the sacred fire. They took shelter at Caere, a town of Etru'ria, where they continued to celebrate their religious rites; from this circ.u.mstance religious rites acquired the name of ceremonies.

[10] This self-devotion was in consequence of a vow made by these brave old men, which Fa'bius, the Pontifex Maximus, p.r.o.nounced in their names. The Romans believed that, by thus devoting themselves to the internal G.o.ds, disorder and confusion were brought among the enemy.

[11] These were the footsteps of Pon'tius Comin'ius, who, with great prudence and bravery, found means to carry a message from Camil'lus to the Romans in the Capi'tol, and to return with the appointment of dictator for Camil'lus.

[12] As a reward for this essential service, every soldier gave Man'lius a small quant.i.ty of corn and a little measure of wine, out of his scanty allowance; a present of no mean value in their then distressed situation. On the other hand, the captain of the guard, who ought to have kept the sentinels to their duty, was thrown headlong from the Capitol. In memory of this event, a goose was annually carried in triumph on a soft litter, finely adorned; whilst dogs were held in abhorrence, and were impaled every year on a branch of elder.

[13] As the Gauls suffered the bodies of the Romans, who were slain in their frequent encounters, to lie unburied, the stench of their putrefaction occasioned a plague to break out, which carried off great numbers of the army of Brennus.

[14] The authenticity of this narrative is more than suspicious.

Polyb'ius, the most accurate of the Roman historians, says that the Gauls carried their old home with them. Sueto'nius confirms this account, and adds that it was recovered at a much later period from the Galli Seno'nes, by Liv'ius Dru'sus; and that on this occasion Dru'sus first became a name in the Livian family, in consequence of the victorious general having killed Drau'sus, the Gallic leader.

[15] So little taste, however, for order and beauty, did those display who had the direction of the works, that the city, when rebuilt, was even less regular than in the time of Romulus.

[16] This account appears so absurd as to be scarcely credible; in fact, Manlius was first tried by the "comitia centuriata," and acquitted. His second trial was before the "comitia curiata," where his enemies, the patricians, alone had the right of voting. See Introduction, Chap. III.

[17] Some judicious writers, however, acknowledge that the chasm was afterwards filled up with earth and rubbish. (Livy, l. 7. c. 6. Val.

Maximus, l. 5. c. 6. et alli.)

CHAPTER XIII.

SECTION I.

FROM THE WARS WITH THE SAMNITES AND THOSE WITH PYRRHUS, TO THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST PUNIC WAR; WHEN THE ROMANS BEGAN TO EXTEND THEIR CONQUESTS BEYOND ITALY.

The brave man is not he who feels no fear For that were stupid and irrational; But he, whose n.o.ble soul his fear subdues, And bravely dares the danger nature shrinks from.--_Baillie_.

1. The Romans had triumphed over the Sab'ines, the Etru'rians, the Latins, the Her'nici, the ae'qui, and the Volsci; and now began to look for greater conquests. They accordingly turned their arms against the Sam'nites, a people descended from the Sab'ines, and inhabiting a large tract of southern Italy, which at this day makes, a considerable part of the kingdom of Naples. 2. Vale'rius Cor'vus, and Corne'lius, were the two consuls to whose care it first fell to manage this dreadful contention between the rivals.

3. Vale'rius was one of the greatest commanders of his time; he was surnamed Cor'vus, from the strange circ.u.mstance of being a.s.sisted by a crow in a single combat, in which he killed a Gaul of gigantic stature. 4. To his colleague's care it was consigned to lead an army to Sam'nium, the enemy's capital, while Cor'vus was sent to relieve Cap'ua, the capital of the Capin'ians. 5. Never was a captain more fitted for command than he. To a habit naturally robust and athletic, he joined the gentlest manners; he was the fiercest, and yet the most good-natured man in the army; and, while the meanest sentinel was his companion, no man kept them more strictly to their duty; but to complete his character, he constantly endeavoured to preserve his dignity by the same arts by which he gained it. 6. Such soldiers as the Romans then were, hardened by their late adversity, and led on by such a general, were unconquerable. The Samnites were the bravest men they ever yet had encountered, and the contention between the two nations was managed on both sides with the most determined resolution.

7. But the fortune of Rome prevailed; the Samnites at length fled, averring, that they were not able to withstand the fierce looks, and the fire-darting eye of the Romans. 8. Corne'lius, however, was not at first so fortunate; for having unwarily led his army into a defile, he was in danger of being cut off, had not De'cius possessed himself of a hill which commanded the enemy; so that the Samnites, being attacked on both sides, were defeated with great slaughter; not less than thirty thousand of them being left dead upon the field.

9. Some time after this victory, the forces stationed at Cap'ua mutinying, compelled Quin'tinus, an eminent old soldier, to be their leader; and, conducted by their rage, more than by their general, came within six miles of the city. 10. So terrible an enemy, almost at the gates, not a little alarmed the senate, who immediately created Vale'rius dictator, and sent him forth with an army to oppose them.

11. The two armies were now drawn up against each other, while fathers and sons beheld themselves prepared to engage in opposite causes. 12.

Any other general than Corvus would, perhaps, have brought this civil war to extremity; but he, knowing his influence among the soldiery, instead of going forward to meet the mutineers in a hostile manner, went with the most cordial friends.h.i.+p to embrace, and expostulate with his old acquaintances. 13. His conduct had the desired effect.

Quin'tius, as their speaker, solicited no more than to have their defection from their duty forgiven; and for himself, as he was innocent of their conspiracy, he had no reason to solicit pardon for offences. 14. Thus this defection, which threatened danger to Rome, was repaired by the prudence and moderation of a general, whose ambition it was to be gentle to his friends, and formidable only to his enemies.

15. A war between the Romans and Latins followed soon after. 16. As their habits, arms, and language were the same, the exactest discipline was necessary to prevent confusion in the engagement.

Orders, therefore, were issued, that no soldier should leave his ranks on pain of death. 17. With these injunctions, both armies were drawn out and ready, when Me'tius, the general of the enemy's cavalry, pushed forward from his lines, and challenged any knight in the Roman army to single combat. 18. For some time there was a general pause, no soldier daring to disobey his orders, till Ti'tus Man'lius, son of the consul Man'lius, burning with shame to see the whole body of the Romans intimidated, boldly advanced against his adversary. 19. The soldiers, on both sides, for a while suspended the general engagement, to be spectators of this fierce encounter. The two champions drove their horses against each other with great violence: Me'tius wounded his adversary's horse in the neck; but Man'lius, with better fortune, killed that of Me'tius. The Latin general, fallen to the ground, for a while attempted to support himself upon his s.h.i.+eld; but the Roman followed his blows, and laid him dead as he was endeavouring to rise; then despoiling him of his armour, returned in triumph to his father's tent, where he was preparing for, and giving orders relative to, the engagement. 20. However he might have been applauded by his fellow-soldiers, being as yet doubtful what reception he should find with his father, he came with hesitation, to lay the enemy's spoils at his feet, and with a modest air insinuated, that what he had done was entirely from a spirit of hereditary virtue. 21. Alas! he was soon dreadfully made sensible of his error; when his father, turning away, ordered him to be led publicly forth before his army. Being brought forward, the consul, with a stern countenance, and yet with tears, spoke as follows: "Ti'tus Man'lius, as thou hast regarded neither the dignity of the consuls.h.i.+p, nor the commands of a father; as thou hast destroyed military discipline, and set a pattern of disobedience by thy example, thou hast reduced me to the deplorable extremity of sacrificing my son or my country. But let us not hesitate in this dreadful alternative; a thousand lives were well lost in such a cause; nor do I think that thou thyself wilt refuse to die, when thy country is to reap the advantage of thy sufferings. Lictor, bind him, and let his death be our future example." 22. At this unnatural mandate the whole army was struck with horror; fear, for a while, kept them in suspense; but when they saw their young champion's head struck off, and his blood streaming upon the ground, they could no longer contain their execrations and their groans. His dead body was carried forth without the camp, and, being adorned with the spoils of the vanquished enemy, was buried with all the pomp of military solemnity.

23. In the mean time, the battle began with mutual fury; and as the two armies had often fought under the same leaders, they combated with all the animosity of a civil war. The Latins chiefly depended on bodily strength; the Romans on their invincible courage and conduct.

24. Forces so nearly matched, seemed only to want the aid of their deities to turn the scale of victory; and in fact the augurs had foretold, that whatever part of the Roman army should be distressed, the commander of that part should devote himself for his country, and die as a sacrifice to the immortal G.o.ds. Man'lius commanded the right wing, and De'cius the left. 25. Both sides fought with doubtful success, as their courage was equal; but, after a time, the left wing of the Roman army began to give ground. 26. It was then that De'cius resolved to devote himself for his country; and to offer his own life, as an atonement, to save his army.

27. Thus determined, he called out to Man'lius with a loud voice, and demanded his instructions, as he was the chief pontiff, how to devote himself, and what form of words he should use. 28. By his directions, therefore, being clothed in a long robe, his head covered, and his arms stretched forward, standing upon a javelin, he devoted himself to the celestial and infernal G.o.ds for the safety of Rome. Then arming himself, and mounting his horse, he drove furiously into the midst of the enemy, striking terror and consternation wherever he came, till he fell covered with wounds. 29. In the mean time the Roman army considered his devoting himself in this manner, as an a.s.surance of success; nor was the superst.i.tion of the Latins less powerfully influenced by his resolution; a total route began to ensue: the Romans pressed them on every side, and so great was the carnage, that scarcely a fourth part of the enemy survived the defeat.

_Questions for Examination_.

1. Against whom did the Romans next turn their arms?

2. Who were appointed commanders in this war?

3. Who was Valerius?

4. What separate commands were entrusted to the consuls?

5. What was the character of Valerius?

6. What was the character of the hostile armies?

7. To whom did the advantage belong?

8. Was not the division under Cornelius led into a difficulty, and how was it extricated?

9. What important event next occurred?

10. How were the senate affected by their approach?

11. What are the peculiar evils attendant on civil wars?

12. What steps did Corvus take on this occasion?

13. What was the consequence of this mildness?