A Political History of the State of New York Volume III Part 29

"Senator Robertson failed to be governor only from lack of boldness."--_Ibid._, May 8, 1880.]

This incident produced a crop of trouble. Because Clews happened to be the guest of Conkling, Robertson, grievously disappointed, a.s.sumed that the Senator had inspired the _coup d'etat_, and from that moment began the dislike which subsequently ripened into open enmity. "As a matter of fact," wrote Clews, "Conkling knew nothing of my intention, but he was either too proud or too indifferent to public sentiment to explain."[1388]

[Footnote 1388: Henry Clews, _Fifty Years in Wall Street_, pp. 307-309; New York _Herald_, August 22.]

Dix's political course had been a tortuous one. He followed the Van Burens in 1848, becoming the Barnburners' candidate for governor, and immediately preceding the reduction of Fort Sumter advocated the restoration of the Missouri compromise, perpetuating slavery in all territory south of 36 30'. After the war he joined President Johnson, presided at the famous Philadelphia convention in 1866, and in return received appointments as minister to The Hague and later to France.

For several years, under the changing conditions of Weed's leaders.h.i.+p, he figured as a possible candidate for governor, first of one party and then of the other, but the Republicans declined to accept him in 1862 and 1864, and the Democrats refused to take him in 1866. After President Grant had relieved him of the French mission by the appointment of Elihu B. Washburne, he inclined like Weed himself to the Liberal movement until the nomination of Greeley, whom they both despised.

Seymour charged Dix with being "a mercenary man," who "rented out his influence gained from political positions to companies of doubtful character for large pay."[1389] At a later day he sketched his readiness "to change his politics" for "a large consideration and pay down." It was a drastic arraignment. "Starting out with a view of being an Anti-Mason," wrote Seymour, "he s.h.i.+fted to the Democratic party for the office of adjutant-general. He hesitated between Ca.s.s and Van Buren until he was nominated for governor by the Free-Soilers.

He went back to the Democratic party for the New York post-office under Pierce. He went over to Buchanan for a place in the cabinet; and from his Free-Soil views he became so violent for the South that he would not vote for Douglas, but supported Breckinridge. After presiding at an anti-war meeting he went over to Lincoln, when he was made a major-general. To get a nomination for the French mission he took part with President Johnson. To get confirmed he left him for Grant. In 1868 he intrigued for a presidential nomination from the Democratic party; as in 1866 he had tried to be nominated by the same party for the office of governor. I think this history shows that he valued his political principles at a high rate, and never sold them unless he got a round price and pay down."[1390]

[Footnote 1389: Bigelow's _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 228.]

[Footnote 1390: _Ibid._, p. 232.]

Of the same age as Dix, Weed knew his history perfectly, which during and after the war resembled his own. But he had faith that Dix's war record would more than offset his political vagaries. "When there was danger that Was.h.i.+ngton would fall into the hands of the rebels," he said, "Dix severed his relations with the Democratic administration, and in concert with Secretary Holt, Mr. Stanton, and Mr. Seward, rendered services which saved the nation's capital. A few weeks afterward, when in command of Fort McHenry, by a prompt movement against a treasonable design of members of the Legislature, he prevented Maryland from joining the Secessionists."[1391] Moreover, Weed insisted that conservative Democrats and business men, having confidence in his integrity, would vote for him regardless of party.

[Footnote 1391: Barnes' _Life of Weed_, Vol. 2, p. 485.]

The platform, endorsing the National Administration, failed to mention the record of the Legislature. Praise for members of Congress accentuated this omission. To enlarge the ca.n.a.l for steam navigation it favoured an appropriation by the general government.[1392]

[Footnote 1392: The ticket was as follows: Governor, John A. Dix of New York; Lieutenant-Governor, John C. Robinson of Broome; Ca.n.a.l Commissioner, Reuben W. Stroud of Onondaga; Prison Inspector, Ezra Graves of Herkimer; Congressman-at-large, Lyman Tremaine of Albany; Thurlow Weed declined to head the electoral ticket, but suggested the name of Frederick Dougla.s.s, who was nominated by acclamation.--Barnes, _Life of Weed_, Vol. 2, p. 486.]

The Democrats and Liberals met in separate State conventions at Syracuse on September 4. In numbers and enthusiasm the Liberals made a creditable showing. Many Republicans who had a.s.sisted at the birth of their party and aided in achieving its victories, adorned the platform and filled the seats of delegates. John Cochrane called the convention to order, Truman G. Younglove, speaker of the a.s.sembly in 1869, acted as temporary chairman, Chauncey M. Depew became its president, and Reuben E. Fenton, with Waldo M. Hutchins, Archibald M. Bliss, Edwin A.

Merritt, D.D.S. Brown, and Frank Hisc.o.c.k, served upon the committee of conference. Among others present were Sinclair Tousey, William Dorsheimer, George P. Bradford, and Horatio N. Twombly. In his speech on taking the chair, Depew, who had attended every Republican State convention since 1858, declared that he saw before him the men whom he had learned to recognise as the trusted exponents of party policy in their several localities.[1393]

[Footnote 1393: New York _Tribune_, September 6.]

In apportioning the State offices the Democrats, after much wrangling, conceded to the Liberals the lieutenant-governor, prison inspector, and fifteen of the thirty-four electors. This settlement resulted, amidst much enthusiasm, in the nomination of Depew for lieutenant-governor.

The Democrats experienced more difficulty in selecting a candidate for governor. The withdrawal of Hoffman, who "usually made his appointments to office," said John Kelly, "on the recommendation of the Tammany ring and at the solicitation of the Ca.n.a.l ring," was inevitable,[1394] and long before he declined several aspirants had betrayed their ambition.[1395] But a decided majority of the delegates, "fully four-fifths" declared the New York _Times_,[1396] preferred Sanford E. Church, then chief judge of the Court of Appeals, who became known as the "ring candidate."[1397] On the other hand, Kernan had the support of Tilden, against whom the same combination arrayed itself that controlled at Rochester in 1871. Although the Tweed ring had practically ceased to exist, its friends.h.i.+ps, rooted in the rural press and in the active young men whom it had a.s.sisted to positions in Albany and New York, blocked the way. Besides, Kernan himself had invited open hostility by vigorously supporting Tilden in his crusade against Tammany. Thus the contest became complicated and bitter.

[Footnote 1394: New York _Tribune_, August 23, 1872; New York _World_, September 10, 1874; _Times_, September 11.]

[Footnote 1395: Among them were Augustus Sch.e.l.l of New York, Francis Kernan of Oneida, Allen C. Beach of Jefferson, then lieutenant-governor, Homer A. Nelson of Dutchess, formerly secretary of state, and Lucius Robinson of Chemung, the distinguished comptroller.]

[Footnote 1396: September 6, 1872.]

[Footnote 1397: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 226.]

It was an anxious moment for Tilden. Kelly stood for Sch.e.l.l, Kings County presented Church, and Robinson and Beach held their friends firmly in hand. With the skill of an astute leader, however, Tilden weakened the support of Church by publis.h.i.+ng his letters declining to be a candidate, and by invoking the influences which emphasised the division between Beach and Sch.e.l.l, gained Robinson for Kernan. The audacity of such tactics staggered the opposition, and when Beach surrendered, Tammany and Kings hastened into line. This led to Kernan's nomination by acclamation.[1398] As further evidence of harmony Kelly moved the appointment of Tilden as a State committeeman-at-large, and subsequently, on the organisation of the committee, continued him as its chairman.

[Footnote 1398: The first ballot resulted as follows: Kernan, 42-1/2; Beach, 32; Sch.e.l.l, 24-1/2; Nelson, 10; Church, 11; Robinson, 6; necessary to a choice, 64.

The ticket nominated by the two conventions was as follows: Governor, Francis Kernan of Oneida, Democrat; Lieutenant-Governor, Chauncey M.

Depew of Westchester, Liberal; Ca.n.a.l Commissioner, John Hubbard of Chenango, Democrat; Prison Inspector, Enos C. Brooks of Cattaraugus, Liberal; 1 Congressman-at-large, Samuel S. c.o.x of New York, Democrat.]

Both conventions endorsed the Cincinnati platform, denounced the Legislature for its failure to expel dishonest members, and charged the National Administration with corruption and favoritism. As a farewell to the Governor, the Democrats resolved that "the general administration of John T. Hoffman meets the approbation of this convention."[1399]

[Footnote 1399: New York _Tribune_, September 6, 1872.]

Hoffman's political career closed under circ.u.mstances that a more heroic soul might have avoided. In his last message he had repudiated the Ring. He had also made some atonement by authorising such suits against it as Charles O'Conor might advise,[1400] and by vetoing the Code Amendment Bill, devised by Cardozo and designed to confer authority upon the judges to punish the press for attacking the Ring; but the facts inspiring Nast's cartoon, which pictured him as the Tammany wooden Indian on wheels, pushed and pulled by the Erie and Tweed combination, had fixed the Governor in the popular mind as the blind tool of rings. "I saw him in 1885," says Rhodes, "at the Schweizerhof in Lucerne. Accompanied by his wife he was driving through Switzerland; and in this hotel, full of his own countrymen, he sat neglected, probably shunned by many. The light was gone from his eyes, the vigour from his body, the confidence from his manner; consciousness of failure brooded in their stead. He had not become dissipated. Great opportunities missed; this was the memory that racked him, body and spirit, and left him nerveless and decrepit, inviting death."[1401] He died in Germany in 1888.

[Footnote 1400: Attorney-General Champlain had publicly announced his purpose to authorise O'Conor to bring such suits before the Committee of Seventy had had its interview with the Governor.--Tilden's _Public Writings and Speeches_, Vol. 1, p. 590.]

[Footnote 1401: James F. Rhodes, _History of the United States_, Vol.

6, p. 401, note.]

For mayor of New York, John Kelly nominated Abram R. Lawrence, a lawyer of ability and integrity, whom the Liberals endorsed. The anti-Tammany forces, not yet willing to surrender to the new Boss, divided their strength, the Apollo Hall Democracy nominating James...o...b..ien, its founder, while the a.s.sociations centring about the Committee of Seventy supported William F. Havermeyer, whom the Republicans endorsed. Havermeyer had twice been mayor.[1402] He belonged among the enemies of jobbery, and although sixty-seven years of age his mental and physical powers remained unimpaired. The contest, thus narrowed to Lawrence and Havermeyer, a.s.sured a good mayor.

[Footnote 1402: Elected in 1844 and 1847. Declined a renomination in 1849.]

The campaign opened encouragingly for Democrats and Liberals. "The antagonisms which civil war has created between the kindred populations of our country," declared Tilden, in his speech at the Syracuse convention, "must be closed up now and forever."[1403] This was the keynote of his party, and, apart from the personal question of candidates, was the only serious issue of the campaign. In his letter of acceptance Greeley added a new phrase to the vocabulary of the common people: "I accept your nomination," he said, "in the confident trust that the ma.s.ses of our countrymen North and South are eager to clasp hands across the b.l.o.o.d.y chasm."[1404]

[Footnote 1403: New York _Tribune_, September 5, 1872.]

[Footnote 1404: _Ibid._, May 22, 1872.]

This was a taking cry, and as the great editor moved across Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, the general demonstration of interest created considerable uneasiness at Republican headquarters. "His name had been honoured for so many years in every Republican household,"

says Blaine, "that the desire to see and hear him was universal, and secured to him the majesty of numbers at every meeting."[1405]

Greeley's friends interpreted these vast audiences as indications of a great tidal wave which would sweep Grant and his party from power. In the latter part of September they confidently counted upon carrying the October States. The South's endors.e.m.e.nt of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments, its declaration that the public credit must be sacredly maintained, and its denunciation of repudiation in every form and guise, created the belief that the North and South would, indeed, "clasp hands across the b.l.o.o.d.y chasm."

[Footnote 1405: _Twenty Years in Congress_, Vol. 2, p. 534.]

In New York, however, although the Democratic leaders stood loyally by their candidate, pus.h.i.+ng Kernan boldly to the front wherever Greeley seemed weak, the inequality of the fight was apparent. Tammany and old-time Democrats could not forget that the _Tribune's_ editor had cla.s.sed them with blacklegs, thieves, burglars, gamblers, and keepers of dens of prost.i.tution.[1406] Moreover, only three Republican newspapers had declared for Greeley,[1407] while many leaders like Lyman Tremaine and James W. Husted, whose criticism of the President had encouraged the belief that they would favour the Cincinnati nominee, preferred Grant.[1408] Besides, the business men of the country thought the Republican party without Greeley safer than the Democratic party with Greeley.

[Footnote 1406: "We asked our contemporary [_World_] to state frankly whether the pugilists, blacklegs, thieves, burglars, keepers of dens of prost.i.tution, etc., etc., who make up so large a share of our city's inhabitants, were not almost unanimously Democrats."--_Tribune_, January 4, 1868.

"So every one who chooses to live by pugilism, or gambling, or harlotry, with nearly every keeper of a tippling house, is politically a Democrat.... A purely selfish interest attaches the lewd, ruffianly, criminal and dangerous cla.s.s to the Democratic party by the instinct of self-preservation."--_Ibid._, January 7. Conkling quoted these extracts in his Cooper Inst.i.tute speech of July 23.--New York _Times_, July 24, 1872.]

[Footnote 1407: New York _Tribune_, Syracuse _Herald_, and Watertown _Times_.]

[Footnote 1408: New York _Tribune_, August 22.]

After the Cincinnati convention a Republican Congress pa.s.sed a General Amnesty Act, approved May 22, and in the interest of "a free breakfast table" placed tea and coffee on the free list. The reduction of the public debt at the rate of one hundred millions a year, as well as large annual reductions in the rate of taxation, also inspired confidence, while to the President and his Secretary of State belonged great credit for the Geneva arbitration. This amicable and dignified adjustment of differences between England and the United States, leading to new rules for the future government of Anglo-American relations, and making impossible other than a friendly rivalry between the two nations, sent a thrill of satisfaction through the American people. Until then the settlement of such irritating questions had not come by the peaceful process of law.

As the campaign progressed both sides indulged in bitter personalities. In his Cooper Inst.i.tute speech, an address of great power, Conkling's invective and sarcasm cut as deeply as Nast's cartoons.[1409] Greeley's face, dress, and manners readily lent themselves to caricature. "I have been a.s.sailed so bitterly," wrote Greeley, "that I hardly knew whether I was running for President or the Penitentiary."[1410] The _Tribune_ told of a negro woman who was heard cursing him in the streets of an Ohio river town because he had "sold her baby down South before the war."[1411] Grant did not escape.

Indeed, he was lampooned until he declared that "I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equalled in political history."[1412]

[Footnote 1409: New York _Times_, July 24. "The longest and greatest campaign speech of his life."--Alfred R. Conkling, _Life of Conkling_, p. 436.]

[Footnote 1410: Hollister's _Life of Colfax_, p. 387, note.]

[Footnote 1411: The same article enumerates some of the charges published against him: "In Was.h.i.+ngton he was a briber. In Albany he was the head of the lobby. In New York he was a partner in the Ring frauds. He defended the rascalities of Tweed. He sold the influence of his paper to Tammany Hall. He intrigued to restore the thieves to power. He was involved in schemes for robbing the national treasury.

He was plotting the payment of the Confederate debt. He had promised pensions to Rebel soldiers. He was an original Secessionist. He was once a slave-trader in Memphis. He was the friend of the Ku-Klux and ballot-box stuffers.... Dix blamed him for expressing ten or twelve years ago sentiments identical with those of Dix himself."--New York _Tribune_, November 22, 1872.]

[Footnote 1412: _Messages and Papers of the Presidents_, Richardson, Vol. 7, p. 223.]

Early elections increased Republican confidence. North Carolina, then a doubtful State, gave a Republican majority in August.[1413] Vermont and Maine followed in September, and Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana practically settled the question in October. Finally, the election on November 5 gave Greeley, by small majorities, Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee, and Texas, or sixty-six electoral votes to two hundred and seventy-two for Grant, whose popular majority exceeded three-quarters of a million. Dix carried New York by 55,451 majority.[1414] Of thirty-two congressmen the Republicans elected twenty-three, with a legislative majority of seventy on joint ballot.