A Political History of the State of New York Volume III Part 34

The ticket was as follows: Governor, Edwin D. Morgan, New York; Lieutenant-Governor, Sherman S. Rogers, Erie; Court of Appeals, George F. Danforth, Monroe; Ca.n.a.l Commissioner, Daniel C. Spencer, Livingston; Prison Inspector, Charles W. Trowbridge, Kings.]

The day's work, however, left bitter thoughts. Conkling's absence exaggerated Arthur's poor generals.h.i.+p and George H. Sharpe's failure to support Cornell. Sharpe was one of the organisation's cleverest leaders, and his indifference to Cornell's interests left a jagged wound that was not soon to heal. Moreover, it could not be concealed that Morgan's nomination was a Pyrrhic victory. In fact, the conventions at Cincinnati and Saratoga had thrown the Conkling machine out of gear, and while the repair shop kept it running several years longer, it was destined never again to make the speed it had formerly attained.

CHAPTER XXVII

TILDEN ONE VOTE SHORT

1876

After the election in 1875 the eyes of the national Democracy turned toward Tilden as its inevitable candidate for President. He had not only beaten a Ca.n.a.l ring, strengthened by remnants of the old Tweed ring, but he had carried the State against the energies of a fairly united Republican party. Moreover, he had become, in the opinion of his friends, the embodiment of administrative reform, although he suffered the embarra.s.sment of a statesman who is suspected, rightly or wrongly, of a willingness to purchase reform at any price.[1503] To prove his right to be transferred from Albany to Was.h.i.+ngton he now made his message to the Legislature a treatise upon national affairs.

[Footnote 1503: Tilden's policy of pardoning members of the Tweed ring had become intolerable. "On an average about nine out of ten men who were confessedly guilty of stealing were accepted as witnesses against the other one man, until the time came when there was but one man against whom any testimony could be used, and it was not considered wise to try him. It was a shameful condition of affairs."--John D.

Townsend, _New York in Bondage_, p. 141.]

Dwelling at length upon the financiering of the Federal Government, Tilden sought to account for the financial depression, and in pointing to a remedy he advocated the prompt resumption of specie payment, criticised the dread of imaginary evils, encouraged economy in legislation, and a.n.a.lysed the federal system of taxation and expenditure. Furthermore, he sought to cut loose from the discredited past of his party, and in paying high tribute to the patriotism of the South, he expressed the hope that its acceptance of the results of the war might end forever the retribution visited upon it by the standing menace of military force.[1504]

[Footnote 1504: Tilden's _Public Writings and Speeches_, Vol. 2, pp.

237-295.]

The result at Cincinnati increased the necessity for nominating Tilden at St. Louis, since Wheeler's popularity would materially a.s.sist in replacing New York among reliable Republican States. Nevertheless, the predatory cla.s.s who had felt the weight of Tilden's heavy hand fomented a most formidable opposition at the State convention.[1505]

John Kelly deeply sympathised with the movement. He resented the rivalry and independence of the Sage of Gramercy Park, and he did not disguise his hostility. But Kelly's immediate need centred in the exclusion of the Morrissey delegation, and when the Tilden lieutenants proscribed it, the way was smoothed for the Governor's unanimous endors.e.m.e.nt with the gag of unit rule.

[Footnote 1505: The Democratic State convention was held at Utica, April 26, 1876.]

The admission of Kelly's delegates, however, did not close the mouths of Tilden's opponents.[1506]. Organs of the Ca.n.a.l ring continued to urge Seymour or Church for President, maintaining that the convention's action did not bind the delegation. Church supported this interpretation of the declaration.[1507] But it remained for the _Express_, the authorised organ of Tammany, to stigmatise Tilden. With cruel particularity it referred to his many-sided conduct as counsel and director in connection with the foreclosure and reorganisation of certain railroads in Illinois, reciting details of the affair in a manner highly prejudicial to his integrity as a lawyer and his reputation as a man of wealth. "Of the weak points in Mr. Tilden's railroad record," the editor suggestively added, "we know more than we care to publish."[1508] It doubled the severity of the blow because suit had been inst.i.tuted to compel Tilden to account for the proceeds of large amounts of bonds and stock, and instead of meeting the allegations promptly he had sought and obtained delay. This seemed to give colour to the indictment.

[Footnote 1506: "It is natural enough that the ca.n.a.l ring and its followers, Tammany and its adherents, and that sort of Democrats who are commonly called Bourbons, should labour to defeat the nomination for high office of the man who represents everything that they oppose, and opposes everything that they represent; but it will be a most discouraging thing to every person who hopes for good at the hands of the Democratic party if such opposition is permitted to prevail in its councils. He has put his principles in practice in the most fearless and resolute manner, and has made himself especially obnoxious to his opponents as their hostility to him clearly shows."--New York _Evening Post_ (editorial by William Cullen Bryant), May 26, 1876.]

[Footnote 1507: New York _Tribune_, June 17.]

[Footnote 1508: New York _Evening Express_, June 23, 1876.]

At St. Louis Tilden's opponents, headed by John Kelly, Augustus Sch.e.l.l, and Erastus Corning, soon wore these insinuations threadbare.[1509] To their further declaration that in order to succeed in November the Democracy must have one October State and that Tilden could not carry Indiana, Dorsheimer and Bigelow, the Governor's spokesmen, replied that New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut could elect Tilden without Indiana. The colossal a.s.surance of this answer characterised the convention's confidence in Tilden's strength. It possessed the South, the East, and the West. Hanc.o.c.k might be the favourite in Pennsylvania, Parker in New Jersey, Bayard in Delaware, Allen in Ohio, and Hendricks in Indiana, but as delegates entered the convention city the dense Tilden sentiment smothered them. Even scandal did not appreciably weaken it.

[Footnote 1509: The National Democratic convention a.s.sembled on June 27 and 28.]

There was nothing mysterious about this strength. Tilden represented success. Without him disaster threatened--with him victory seemed certain. His achievement in administrative reform exaggerated Republican failure; his grasp upon New York, the most vital State of the North, magnified Democratic strength; his leaders.h.i.+p, based upon ideas and organisation, dwarfed political rivals; his acute legal mind, leading to the largest rewards in the realm of law, captivated business men; and his wealth, ama.s.sed in the field of railroad organisation and litigation, could fill Democracy's exchequer. Thus Tilden, standing less on the Democratic platform than on his own record, held the commanding position in his party, and the talk of his unpopularity or how he obtained wealth seemed to make as little impression as his professed devotion to the Wilmot Proviso in 1847, or his departure for a season from a lifelong pro-slavery record to bear a prominent part in the Barnburners' revolt of 1848. Indeed, so certain was Tilden of success that he did not ask for advices until after the nomination. James C. Carter of the New York bar, who happened at the time to be with him respecting legal matters, wondered at his unconcern. On their return from an evening drive Carter ventured to suggest that he would find telegrams announcing his nomination. "Not until half-past nine," Tilden replied.[1510]

[Footnote 1510: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 308.]

Nevertheless, the first call of States made the Tilden managers s.h.i.+ver.[1511] Alabama divided its vote, Colorado caused a murmur of disappointment, and the slump of Georgia and Illinois, with Missouri's division, threatened them with heart-failure. The South wabbled, and promised votes in the North found their way elsewhere. At the close of the first roll-call Missouri asked if its vote could be changed, and on receiving an affirmative answer, the Tilden men, pale with worried excitement, awaited the result. A change to Hanc.o.c.k at that moment would have been a serious calamity, for nearly one hundred votes separated Tilden from the necessary two-thirds. When Missouri declared for the New Yorker, however, the opportunity to turn the tide against him was lost forever. The second ballot undoubtedly represented his real strength.[1512] For second place Thomas A. Hendricks had no opposition.

[Footnote 1511: Francis Kernan presented Tilden's name very effectively.]

[Footnote 1512: First ballot. Necessary two-thirds, 492. Samuel J.

Tilden of New York, 404-1/2; Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana, 133-1/2; Winfield Scott Hanc.o.c.k of Pennsylvania, 75; William Allen of Ohio, 56; Thomas F. Bayard of Delaware, 27; Joel Parker of New Jersey, 18.

Second ballot: Tilden, 535; Hendricks, 60; Hanc.o.c.k, 59; Allen, 54; Bayard, 11; Parker, 18; Thurman of Ohio, 2.]

The platform, prepared under the eye of Tilden by Manton Marble, the accomplished editor of the _World_, advocated reform as its keynote and made historic its vituperative arraignment of the party in power.

On the vital question of the currency it demanded the repeal of the resumption clause of the Act of 1875, denouncing it as an hindrance to the resumption of specie payment. The Republicans, wis.h.i.+ng to avoid too sharp a conflict with the soft money sentiment of the West, had pledged the fulfilment of the Public Credit Act,[1513] approved March 18, 1869, "by a continuous and steady progress to specie payments."

Both declarations savoured of indefiniteness, but Hayes, in his letter of acceptance (July 8), added greatly to his reputation for firmness and decision of character in supplying the needed directness by demanding the resumption of specie payment. On the other hand, Tilden's letter (July 31) weakened the country's respect for him.[1514]

He had no sympathy for soft money, but in supporting the demand for a repeal of the resumption clause he urged, in a long, indefinite communication, the importance of preparation for resumption, ignoring the fact that the Act of 1875 antic.i.p.ated such precaution. Although less prolix in his treatment of civil service reform, he was no less indefinite. After describing recognised evils he failed to indicate any practical remedy beyond the "conviction that no reform will be complete and permanent until the Chief Executive is const.i.tutionally disqualified for re-election."[1515] Speaking of the character of the men holding office his use of the word "usufruct" led to the derisive appellation of "Old Usufruct Tilden."[1516] On civil service reform Hayes was more specific. He declared against the use of official patronage in elections and pledged himself not to be a candidate for a second term.[1517]

[Footnote 1513: This act terminates as follows: "And the United States also solemnly pledges its faith to make provision at the earliest practicable period for the redemption of the United States notes in coin."]

[Footnote 1514: "Tilden's letter was a disappointment to those who had studied his words and acts as Governor."--Rhodes, _History of the United States_, Vol. 7, p. 216.]

[Footnote 1515: Appleton's _Cyclopaedia_, 1876, p. 790.]

[Footnote 1516: "The public interest in an honest, skilful performance of official trust must not be sacrificed to the usufruct of the inc.u.mbents."--Appleton's _Cyclopaedia_, 1876, p. 790.]

[Footnote 1517: _Ibid._, p. 783.]

If Conkling had been balked in his desire to nominate Cornell, Tilden was not less baffled a week later in his effort to promote William Dorsheimer, his special friend. His genius for organisation had smoothed the way for harmony at Saratoga.[1518] Kelly and Morrissey settled their differences in advance, the platform created no discussion, and the appointment of electors-at-large provoked little criticism; but when Tilden's lieutenants proposed Dorsheimer for governor the convention revolted. It noisily demanded a Democrat, and in the stampede that followed Clarkson N. Potter, backed by Tammany and the Ca.n.a.l ring, rapidly acc.u.mulated strength despite Tilden's personal opposition. To all of Tilden's friends vital objections seemed to be raised. Dorsheimer could not command a solid Democratic vote; Robinson favoured high ca.n.a.l tolls and cultivated Republican affiliations; Manton Marble remained unpopular because the _World_ changed front in 1868; and Starbuck of Jefferson did not attract Independents. For once Tilden had plainly been deceived as to his strength. Furthermore, the convention, divided in its attention between speeches for Potter and demands for Seymour, was beyond his control. Nevertheless, as the delegates in their stentorian insistence upon a "Democrat" became more and more furious for Seymour, the Tilden managers, to head off the alarming sentiment for Potter, adroitly increased the volume of the demand for the Oneidan. It was known that Seymour had refused the use of his name. Telegrams to Kernan and letters to the president of the convention alleged indisposition and "obstacles which I cannot overcome."[1519] But the convention, conscious that the former governor had before changed his mind under similar circ.u.mstances, closed its ears to his entreaties, and amidst the most vociferous cheering nominated him by acclamation. The next morning, with equal unanimity, it renominated Dorsheimer for lieutenant-governor.

[Footnote 1518: The Democratic State convention convened on August 30.]

[Footnote 1519: Utica _Herald_, August 31, 1876.]

A few days later Seymour, pleading mental inability to perform the duties of the office, put himself out of the race.[1520] This gave Tilden opportunity to re-form his lines, and upon the convention's rea.s.sembling (September 13) Robinson easily won.[1521]

[Footnote 1520: For Seymour's letter, see New York papers of September 5.]

[Footnote 1521: The ballot stood: Potter, 106-1/2; Robinson, 192-1/2; scattering, 59. Necessary to a choice, 191. Before its announcement changes gave Robinson 243-1/2.

The ticket was as follows: Governor, Lucius Robinson, Chemung; Lieutenant-Governor, William Dorsheimer, Erie; Court of Appeals, Robert Earl, Herkimer; Ca.n.a.l Commissioner, Darius A. Ogden, Yates; Prison Inspector, Robert H. Anderson, Kings.]

Democratic factions likewise buried their differences in New York City, Kelly and Morrissey uniting upon Smith Ely for mayor. The Republicans nominated John A. Dix. Thus was the munic.i.p.al struggle in the metropolis, for the first time in many years, confined within strict party lines.[1522]

[Footnote 1522: On March 15, several disaffected Democrats met at Syracuse and organised a Greenback party, which opposed the resumption of specie payment and favoured legal tender notes as the standard of value. A second convention, held in New York City on June 1, selected four delegates-at-large to the Democratic national convention, and a third, meeting at Albany on September 26, nominated Richard M. Griffin for governor. Other State nominations were made by the Prohibitionists, Albert J. Groo being selected for governor.]

The campaign, although a prolonged and intensely exciting one, developed no striking incidents. Democratic orators repeated Marble's rhetorical arraignment of the Republican party, and the Democratic press iterated and reiterated its symmetrical, burning sentences.

Marble's platform, besides being the most vitriolic, had the distinction of being the longest in the history of national conventions. Copies of it printed in half a dozen languages seemed to spring up as plentifully as weeds in a wheatfield. Every cross-roads in the State became a centre for its distribution. It pilloried Grant's administration, giving in chronological order a list of his unwise acts, the names and sins of his unfaithful appointees, and a series of reasons why Tilden, the Reformer, could alone restore the Republic to its pristine purity. It was a dangerous doc.u.ment because history substantially affirmed its statement of facts, while the rhythm of its periods and the attractiveness of its typography invited the reader.[1523]

[Footnote 1523: Appleton's _Cyclopaedia_, 1876, pp. 785, 786.]

Conkling, because of ill-health, limited his activity in the canva.s.s to one address.[1524] It was calmer than usual, but it shone with sparkles of sarcasm and bristled with covert allusions readily understood. It was noticeable, too, that he made no reference to Hayes or to Wheeler. Nevertheless, party a.s.sociates from whom he had radically differed p.r.o.nounced it a model of partisan oratory and the most conclusive review of the political situation. He admitted the corruption indicated by Marble, attributing it chiefly to the war which incited speculative pa.s.sion in all the activities of life, its ill consequences not being confined exclusively to public affairs. In contrasting the management of the two parties, he disclosed under Buchanan a loss on each thousand dollars collected and disbursed of six dollars and ninety-eight cents against forty cents during Grant's first term and twenty-six cents during the three years of his second, while current expenses under Buchanan amounted to one dollar and ninety cents per capita to one dollar and seventy cents under Grant.

In ten years, he added, $800,000,000 of the debt had been paid, nearly $50,000,000 of interest saved yearly, and the taxes reduced $262,000,000 per annum.

[Footnote 1524: Delivered at Utica, October 3. See New York papers, October 4.]

Of civil service reform Conkling said nothing. He made a clear, sharp issue on the resumption of specie payment, however, showing that the demand for a repeal of the Act's most important feature was a bid for the votes of soft-money advocates. The Southern question a.s.sumed even greater importance. Tilden depended for success upon the Southern States plus New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut. This was Dorsheimer's argument, put with characteristic grace and force at St.

Louis. The North had cause to fear, it was argued, if a solid South, strengthened by States controlled by the great majorities in and about New York City, could elect a President. The charge that Tilden intended indemnifying the South and a.s.suming the Confederate debt increased the anxiety. Conkling's reference to the repayment of direct taxes, the refund of the cotton tax, and the liquidation of Southern claims mounted so high into the hundreds of millions that Tilden deemed it prudent to issue a letter pledging an enforcement of the Const.i.tutional Amendments and resistance to such monetary demands.