Characters from the Histories & Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century Part 10
You’re reading novel Characters from the Histories & Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century Part 10 online at LightNovelFree.com. Please use the follow button to get notification about the latest chapter next time when you visit LightNovelFree.com. Use F11 button to read novel in full-screen(PC only). Drop by anytime you want to read free – fast – latest novel. It’s great if you could leave a comment, share your opinion about the new chapters, new novel with others on the internet. We’ll do our best to bring you the finest, latest novel everyday. Enjoy!
He was a gentleman of a good family in Buckinghamshyre, and borne to a fayre fortune, and of a most civill and affable deportment. In his entrance into the world, he indulged to himselfe all the licence in sportes and exercises, and company, which was used by men of the most jolly conversation; afterwards he retired to a more reserved and melancholique society, yet prseservinge his owne naturall cheerefulnesse and vivacity, and above all a flowinge courtesy to all men; Though they who conversed neerely with him founde him growinge into a dislike of the Ecclesiasticall goverment of the church, yet most believed it rather a dislike of some Churchmen, and of some introducements of thers which he apprehended might disquyett the publique peace: He was rather of reputation in his owne Country, then of publique discource or fame in the Kingdome, before the businesse of s.h.i.+ppmony, but then he grew the argument of all tounges, every man enquyringe who and what he was, that durst at his owne charge supporte the liberty and property of the kingdome, and reskue his Country from beinge made a prey to the Courte; his carriage throughout that agitation was with that rare temper and modesty, that they who watched him narrowly to finde some advantage against his person to make him lesse resolute in his cause, were compelled to give him a just testimony: and the judgement that was given against him infinitely more advanced him, then the service for which it was given. When this Parliament begann (beinge returned Knight of the Shyre for the County wher he lived) the eyes of all men were fixed on him as their Patriae Pater, and the Pilott that must steere ther vessell through the tempests and Rockes which threatned it: And I am perswaded his power and interest at that tyme was greater, to doe good or hurte, then any mans in the kingdome, or then any man of his ranke hath had in any tyme: for his reputation of honesty was universall, and his affections seemed so publiquely guyded, that no corrupte or pryvate ends could bya.s.se them.
He was of that rare affability and temper in debate, and of that seeminge humillity and submissyon of judgement, as if he brought no opinyons with him, but a desyre of information and instruction, yet he had so subtle a way of interrogatinge, and under the notion of doubts, insinuatinge his objections, that he left his opinions with those, from whome he pretended to learne and receave them; and even with them, who were able to praeserve themselves from his infusions, and decerned those opinions to be fixed in him, with which they could not comply, he alwayes left the character of an ingenious and conscientious person. He was indeede a very wise man, and of greate partes, and possessed with the most absolute spiritt of popularity, that is the most absolute facultyes to governe the people, of any man I ever knew. For the first yeere of the parliament he seemed rather to moderate and soften the violent and distempred humours, then to inflame them, but wise and dispa.s.sioned men playnely decerned, that that moderation proceeded from prudence, and observation that the season was not rype, [rather] then that he approoved of the moderation, and that he begatt many opinions and motions the education wherof he committed to other men, so farr disguisinge his owne designes that he seemed seldome to wish more then was concluded, and in many grosse conclutions which would heareafter contribute to designes not yet sett on foote, when he founde them sufficiently backed by majority of voyces, he would withdraw himselfe before the questyon, that he might seeme not to consent to so much visible unreasonablenesse, which produced as greate a doubte in some, as it did approbation in others of his integrity: What combination soever had bene originaly with the Scotts for the invasion of England, and what farther was enter'd into afterwards, in favour of them, and to advance any alteration in Parliament, no man doubles was at least with the privity of this gent[l]eman.
After he was amongst those members accused by the Kinge of High treason, he was much altred, his nature and carriage seeminge much feircer then it did before; and without question when he first drew his sworde, he threw away the scabberd, for he pa.s.sionately opposed the overture made by the Kinge for a treaty from Nottingham, and as eminently any expedients that might have produced an accommodation in this that was at Oxforde, and was princ.i.p.ally relyed on to praevent any infusions which might be made into the Earle of Ess.e.x towards peace, or to render them ineffectuall if they were made; and was indeede much more relyed on by that party, then the Generall himselfe. In the first entrance into the troubles he undertooke the commande of a Regiment of foote, and performed the duty of a Collonell on all occasyons most punctually: He was very temperate in dyett, and a supreme governour over all his pa.s.syons and affections, and had therby a greate power over other mens: He was of an industry and vigilance not to be tyred out, or wearyed by the most laborious, and of partes not to be imposed upon by the most subtle or sharpe, and of a personall courage aequal to his best partes, so that he was an enimy not to be wished wherever he might have bene made a frende, and as much to be apprehended wher he was so, as any man could deserve to be, and therfore his death was no lesse congratulated on the one party then it was condoled on the other. In a worde, what was sayd of Cinna, might well be applyed to him, Erat illi consilium ad facinus aptum, consilio autem neque lingua neque ma.n.u.s deerat, he had a heade to contryve, and a tounge to perswade, and a hande to exequte any mischieve; his death therfore seemed to be a greate deliverance to the nation.
34.
JOHN PYM.
_Born 1584. Died 1643._
By CLARENDON.
Aboute this tyme the Councells at Westminster lost a principle supporter, by the death of John Pimm, who dyed with greate torment and agony, of a disease unusuall, and therfore the more spoken of, morbus pediculosus, which rendred him an objecte very lothsome, to those who had bene most delighted with him. Noe man had more to answer for the miseryes of the Kingdome, or had his hande or heade deeper in ther contrivance, and yet I believe they grew much higher even in his life, then he designed. He was a man of a private quality and condition of life, his education in the office of the Exchequer, wher he had bene a Clerke, and his partes rather acquired by industry, then supplyed by nature, or adorned by Arte. He had bene well knowen in former Parliaments and was one of those few who had sate in many, the longe intermissyon of Parliaments havinge worne out most of those who had bene acquainted with the rules and orders observed in those conventions, and this gave him some reputation and reverence amongst those, who were but now introduced. He had bene most taken notice of, for beinge concerned and pa.s.syonate in the jealosyes of religion, and much troubled with the Countenance which had bene given to those opinions which had bene imputed to Arminius; and this gave him greate authority and interest with those, who were not pleased with the goverment of the Church, or the growinge power of the Clargy, yet himselfe industriously tooke care to be believed, and he professed to be, very intire to the doctryne and disciplyne of the Church of Englande. In the shorte Parliament before this, he spake much, and appeared to be the most leadinge man, for besydes the exacte knowledge of the formes and orders of that Councell, which few men had, he had a very comely and grave way of expressinge himselfe, with greate volubility of wordes, naturall and proper, and understoode the temper and affections of the kingdome as well as any man, and had observed the errors and mistakes in goverment, and knew well how to make them appeare greater then they were. After the unhappy dissolution of that Parliament he continued for the most parte about London, in conversation and greate repute amongst those Lords, who were most strangers, and believed most averse from the Courte, in whome he improoved all imaginable jealosyes and discontents towards the State, and as soone as this Parliament was resolved to be summoned, he was as diligent to procure such persons to be elected, as he knew to be most inclined to the way he meant to take.
At the first openinge of this Parliament he appeared pa.s.syonate and prepared against the Earle of Straforde, and though in private designinge he was much governed by M'r Hambden and M'r S't John, yet he seemed to all men to have the greatest influence upon the house of Commons of any man, and in truth I thinke he was at that tyme and for some moneths after the most popular man, and the most able to do hurte, that hath lived in any tyme. Upon the first designe of softninge and oblieginge the powerfull persons in both houses, when it was resolved to make the Earle of Bedford Lord High Treasurer of Englande, the Kinge likewise intended to make M'r Pimm Chancellour of the Exchequer, for which he receaved his Majestys promise, and made a returne of a suitable professyon of his service and devotion, and therupon, the other beinge no secrett, somewhat declyned from that sharpnesse in the house, which was more popular then any mans person, and made some overtures to provyde for the glory and splendor of the Crowne, in which he had so ill successe, that his interest and reputation ther visibly abated, and he founde that he was much better able to do hurte then good, which wrought very much upon him, to melancholique, and complainte of the violence and discomposure of the peoples affections and inclinations; in the end, whether upon the death of the Earle of Bedford he despayred of that praeferment, or whether he was guilty of any thinge, which upon his conversyon to the Courte he thought might be discovered to his damage, or for pure want of courage, he suffred himselfe to be carryed by those who would not follow him, and so continued in the heade of those who made the most desperate propositions.
In the proseqution of the Earle of Straforde, his carriage and language was such, that expressed much personall animosity, and he was accused of havinge practiced some Artes in it, not worthy a good man, as an Irishman of very meane and low condition afterwards acknowledged, that beinge brought to him as an evidence of one parte of the charge against the Lord Lieuetenant in a particular of which a person of so vyle quality would not be reasonably thought a competent informer, M'r Pimm gave him mony to buy him a Sattyn Sute and Cloke, in which equipage he appeared at the tryall, and gave his evidence, which if true, may make many other thinges which were confidently reported afterwards of him, to be believed: As, that he receaved a greate Summ of mony from the French Amba.s.sadour, to hinder the transportation of those Regiments of Irelande into Flanders, upon the disbandinge that Army ther, which had bene praepared by the Earle of Straforde for the businesse of Scotlande, in which if his Majestys derections and commands had not bene deverted and contradicted by the houses, many do believe the rebellyon in Irelande had not happend. Certayne it is, that his power of doinge shrewd turnes was extraordinary, and no lesse in doinge good offices for particular persons, and that he did praeserve many from censure, who were under the seveare displeasure of the houses, and looked upon as eminent Delinquents, and the quality of many of them made it believed, that he had sold that protection for valewable consideration. From the tyme of his beinge accused of High Treason by the Kinge, with the Lord Kimbolton and the other Members, he never intertayned thoughts of moderation, but alwayes opposed all overtures of peace and accommodation, and when the Earle of Ess.e.x was disposed the last Summer by those Lords to an inclination towards a treaty as is before remembred, M'r Pymms power and dexterity wholy changed him, and wrought him to that temper which he afterwards swarved not from. He was wounderfully sollicitous for the Scotts comminge in to ther a.s.sistance, though his indisposition of body was so greate, that it might well have made another impressyon upon his minde. Duringe his sicknesse he was a very sadd spectacle, but none beinge admitted to him, who had not concurred with him, it is not knowne what his last thoughts and considerations were. He dyed towards the end of December, before the Scotts entred, and was buryed with wounderfull Pompe and Magnificence in that Place where the Bones of our English Kings and Princes are committed to ther rest.
35.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
_Born 1599. Lord Protector 1653. Died 1658._
By CLARENDON.
Crumwell (though the greatest Dissembler livinge) alwayes made his hypocrisy of singular use and benefitt to him, and never did any thinge, how ungratious or imprudent soever it seemed to be, but what was necessary to the designe; even his roughnesse and unpolishednesse which in the beginninge of the Parliament he affected, contrary to the smoothnesse and complacency which his Cozen and bosome frende M'r Hambden practiced towards all men, was necessary, and his first publique declaration in the beginninge of the Warr, to his troope when it was first mustered,--that he would not deceave or cozen them by the perplexed and involved exspressions in his Commissyon to fight for Kinge and Parliament, and therfore told them that if the Kinge chanced to be in the body of the enimy that he was to charge, he woulde as soone discharge his pistoll upon him, as at any other private person, and if ther conscience would not permitt them to do the like, he advized them not to list themselves in his troope or under his commaunde,--which was generally looked upon, as imprudent and malicious, and might by the professyons the Parliament then made, have prooved daungerous to him, yett served his turne, and severed and united all the furious and incensed men against the goverment, whether Ecclesiasticall or Civill, to looke upon him as a man for ther turne, and upon whome they might depende, as one who would go through his worke that he undertooke; and his stricte and unsociable humour in not keepinge company with the other officers of the Army in ther jollityes and excesses, to which most of the superiour officers under the Earle of Ess.e.x were inclined, and by which he often made himselfe ridiculous or contemptible, drew all those of the like sowre or reserved natures to his society and conversation, and gave him opportunity to forme ther understandings, inclinations, and resolutions to his owne modell; and by this he grew to have a wounderfull interest in the Common souldyers, out of which, as his authority increased, he made all his Officers, well instructed how to lyve in the same manner with ther Souldyers, that they might be able to apply them to ther owne purposes. Whilst he looked upon the Presbiterian humour as the best incentive to rebellion, no man more a Presbiterian, he sunge all Psalmes with them to ther tunes, and looved the longest sermons as much as they: but when he discover'd, that they would prescribe some limitts and bounds to ther rebellion, that it was not well breathed, and would expyre as soone as some few particulars were granted to them in religion which he cared not for, and then that the goverment must runn still in the same channell, it concerned him to make it believed, that the State had bene more Delinquent, then the Church, and that the people suffer'd more by the civill, then by the Ecclesiasticall power, and therfore that the change of one would give them little ease, if ther were not as greate an alteration in the other, and if the whole goverment in both were not reformed and altred; which though it made him generally odious and irreconciled many of his old frends to him, yett it made those who remayned more cordiall and firme to him, and he could better compute his owne strengtht, and upon whome he might depende; and this discovery made him contryve the Modell, which was the most unpopular acte, and disoblieged all those who first contryved the rebellyon, and who were the very soule of it; and yett if he had not brought that to pa.s.se and chaunged a Generall, who though not very sharpesighted would never be governed, nor applyed to any thinge he did not like, for another who had no eyes, and so would be willinge to be ledd, all his designes must have come to nothinge, and he remayned a private Collonell of horse, not considerable enough to be in any figure upon an advantagious composition.
36.
By CLARENDON.
He was one of those men, quos vituperare ne inimici quidem possunt, nisi ut simul laudent, for he could never have done halfe that mischieve, without greate partes of courage and industry and judgement, and he must have had a wounderfull understandinge in the natures and humours of men, and as greate a dexterity in the applyinge them, who from a private and obscure birth, (though of a good family) without interest of estate, allyance or frends.h.i.+pps, could rayse himselfe to such a height, and compounde and kneade such opposite and contradictory tempers humour and interests, into a consistence, that contributed to his designes and to ther owne destruction, whilst himselfe grew insensibly powerfull enough, to cutt off those by whome he had climed, in the instant, that they projected to demolish ther owne buildinge. What Velleius Paterculus sayd of Cinna, may very justly be sayd of him, Ausum eum quae nemo auderet bonus, perfecisse quae a nullo nisi fortissimo perfici possunt. Without doubte, no man with more wickednesse ever attempted any thinge, or brought to pa.s.se what he desyred more wickedly, more in the face and contempt of religion and morall honesty, yet wickednesse as greate as his could never have accomplish'd those trophees without the a.s.sistance of a greate spiritt, an admirable circ.u.mspection and sagacity, and a most magnanimous resolution. When he appeared first in the Parliament he seemed to have a person in no degree gratious, no ornament of discource, none of those talents which use to reconcile the affections of the standers by, yett as he grew into place and authority, his partes seemed to be renew[d], as if he had concealed facultyes till he had occasion to use them; and when he was to acte the parte of a greate man, he did it without any indecensy through the wante of custome....
He was not a man of bloode, and totally declined Machiavells methode, which prescribes upon any alteration of a goverment, as a thinge absolutely necessary, to cutt of all the heades of those and extirpate ther familyes, who are frends to the old, and it was confidently reported that in the Councell of Officers, it was more then once proposed, that ther might be a generall ma.s.sacre of all the royall party, as the only exspedient to secure the goverment, but Crumwell would never consent to it, it may be out of to much contempt of his enimyes; In a worde, as he had all the wickednesses against which d.a.m.nation is denounced and for which h.e.l.l fyre is praepared, so he had some virtues, which have caused the memory of some men in all ages to be celebrated, and he will be looked upon by posterity, as a brave, badd man.
37.
By SIR PHILIP WARWICK.
I have no mind to give an ill character of Cromwell; for in his conversation towards me he was ever friendly; tho' at the latter end of the day finding me ever incorrigible, and having some inducements to suspect me a tamperer, he was sufficiently rigid. The first time, that ever I took notice of him, was in the very beginning of the Parliament held in November 1640, when I vainly thought my selfe a courtly young Gentleman: (for we Courtiers valued our selves much upon our good cloaths.) I came one morning into the House well clad, and perceived a Gentleman speaking (whom I knew not) very ordinarily apparelled; for it was a plain cloth-sute, which seemed to have bin made by an ill country-taylor; his linen was plain, and not very clean; and I remember a speck or two of blood upon his little band, which was not much larger than his collar; his hatt was without a hatt-band: his stature was of a good size, his sword stuck close to his side, his countenance swoln and reddish, his voice sharp and untunable, and his eloquence full of fervor; for the subject matter would not bear much of reason; it being in behalfe of a servant of Mr.
Prynn's, who had disperst libells against the Queen for her dancing and such like innocent and courtly sports; and he aggravated the imprisonment of this man by the Council-Table unto that height, that one would have beleived, the very Goverment it selfe had been in great danger by it. I sincerely professe it lessened much my reverence unto that great councill; for he was very much hearkened unto. And yet I liv'd to see this very Gentleman, whom out of no ill will to him I thus describe, by multiplied good successes, and by reall (but usurpt) power: (having had a better taylor, and more converse among good company) in my owne eye, when for six weeks together I was a prisoner in his serjeant's hands, and dayly waited at Whitehall, appeare of a great and majestick deportment and comely presence. Of him therefore I will say no more, but that verily I beleive, he was extraordinarily designed for those extraordinary things, which one while most wickedly and facinorously he acted, and at another as succesfully and greatly performed.
38.
By JOHN MAIDSTON.
His body was wel compact and strong, his stature under 6 foote (I beleeve about two inches) his head so shaped, as you might see it a storehouse and shop both of a vast treasury of natural parts. His temper exceeding fyery, as I have known, but the flame of it kept downe, for the most part, or soon allayed with thos moral endowments he had. He was naturally compa.s.sionate towards objects in distresse, even to an effeminate measure; though G.o.d had made him a heart, wherein was left little roume for any fear, but what was due to himselfe, of which there was a large proportion, yet did he exceed in tendernesse towards sufferers. A larger soul, I thinke, hath seldome dwelt in a house of clay than his was. I do believe, if his story were impartialy transmitted, and the unprejudiced world wel possest with it, she would adde him to her nine worthies, and make up that number a decemviri. He lived and dyed in comfortable communion with G.o.d, as judicious persons neer him wel observed. He was that Mordecai that sought the welfare of his people, and spake peace to his seed, yet were his temptations such, as it appeared frequently, that he, that hath grace enough for many men, may have too little for himselfe; the treasure he had being but in an earthen vessel, and that equally defiled with original sin, as any other man's nature is.
39.
By RICHARD BAXTER
Never man was highlier extolled, and never man was baselier reported of, and vilified than this man. No (meer) man was _better_ and _worse_ spoken of than he; according as mens Interests led their Judgments.
The Soldiers and Sectaries most highly magnified him, till he began to seek the Crown and the Establishment of his Family: And then there were so many that would be Half-Kings themselves, that a King did seem intollerable to them. The Royalists abhorred him as a most perfidious Hypocrite; and the Presbyterians thought him little better, in his management of publick matters.
If after so many others I may speak my Opinion of him, I think, that, having been a Prodigal in his Youth, and afterward changed to a zealous Religiousness, he meant honestly in the main, and was pious and conscionable in the main course of his Life, till Prosperity and Success corrupted him: that, at his first entrance into the Wars, being but a Captain of Horse, he had a special care to get religious men into his Troop: These men were of greater understanding than common Soldiers, and therefore were more apprehensive of the Importance and Consequence of the War; and making not Money, but that which they took for the Publick Felicity, to be their End, they were the more engaged to be valiant; for he that maketh Money his End, doth esteem his Life above his Pay, and therefore is like enough to save it by flight when danger comes, if possibly he can: But he that maketh the Felicity of Church and State his End, esteemeth it above his Life, and therefore will the sooner lay down his Life for it. And men of Parts and Understanding know how to manage their business, and know that flying is the surest way to death, and that standing to it is the likeliest way to escape; there being many usually that fall in flight, for one that falls in valiant fight. These things it's probable _Cromwell_ understood; and that none would be such engaged valiant men as the Religious: But yet I conjecture, that at his first choosing such men into his Troop, it was the very Esteem and Love of Religious men that princ.i.p.ally moved him; and the avoiding of those Disorders, Mutinies, Plunderings, and Grievances of the Country, which deboist men in Armies are commonly guilty of: By this means he indeed sped better than he expected. _Aires_, _Desborough_, _Berry_, _Evanson_, and the rest of that Troop, did prove so valiant, that as far as I could learn, they never once ran away before an Enemy. Hereupon he got a Commission to take some care of the a.s.sociated Counties, where he brought his Troop into a double Regiment, of fourteen full Troops; and all these as full of religious men as he could get: These having more than ordinary Wit and Resolution, had more than ordinary Success; first in _Lincolns.h.i.+re_, and afterward in the Earl of _Manchester's_ Army at _York_ Fight: With their Successes the Hearts both of Captain and Soldiers secretly rise both in Pride and Expectation: And the familiarity of many honest erroneous Men (Anabaptists, Antinomians, &c.) withal began quickly to corrupt their Judgments. Hereupon _Cromwell's_ general Religious Zeal, giveth away to the power of that Ambition, which still increaseth as his Successes do increase: Both Piety and Ambition concurred in his countenancing of all that he thought G.o.dly of what Sect soever: Piety pleadeth for them as _G.o.dly_; and _Charity_ as Men; and Ambition secretly telleth him what use he might make of them. He meaneth well in all this at the beginning, and thinketh he doth all for the Safety of the G.o.dly, and the Publick Good, but not without an Eye to himself.
When Successes had broken down all considerable opposition, he was then in the face of his Strongest Temptations, which conquered him when he had conquered others: He thought that he had hitherto done well, both as to the _End_ and _Means_, and G.o.d by the wonderful Blessing of his Providence had owned his endeavours, and it was none but G.o.d that had made him great: He thought that if the War was lawful, the Victory was lawful; and if it were lawful to fight against the King and conquer him, it was lawful to use him as a conquered Enemy, and a foolish thing to trust him when they had so provoked him, (whereas indeed the Parliament professed neither to fight against him, nor to conquer him). He thought that the Heart of the King was deep, and that he resolved upon Revenge, and that if he were King, he would easily at one time or other accomplish it; and that it was a dishonest thing of the Parliament to set men to fight for them against the King, and then to lay their Necks upon the block, and be at his Mercy; and that if that must be their Case, it was better to flatter or please him, than to fight against him. He saw that the _Scots_ and the Presbyterians in the Parliament, did by the Covenant and the Oath of Allegiance, find themselves bound to the Person and Family of the King, and that there was no hope of changing their minds in this: Hereupon he joyned with that Party in the Parliament who were for the Cutting off the King, and trusting him no more. And consequently he joyned with them in raising the Independants to make a Fraction in the Synod at _Westminster_ and in the City; and in strengthening the Sectaries in Army, City and Country, and in rendering the _Scots_ and Ministers as odious as he could, to disable them from hindering the Change of Government. In the doing of all this, (which _Distrust_ and _Ambition_ had perswaded him was well done) he thought it lawful to use his Wits, to choose each Instrument, and suit each means, unto its end; and accordingly he daily imployed himself, and modelled the Army, and disbanded all other Garrisons and Forces and Committees, which were like to have hindered his design. And as he went on, though he yet resolved not what form the New Commonwealth should be molded into, yet he thought it but reasonable, that he should be the Chief Person who had been chief in their Deliverance; (For the Lord _Fairfax_ he knew had but the Name). At last, as he thought it lawful to cut off the King, because he thought he was lawfully conquered, so he thought it lawful to fight against the _Scots_ that would set him up, and to pull down the Presbyterian Majority in the Parliament, which would else by restoring him undo all which had cost them so much Blood and Treasure. And accordingly he conquereth _Scotland_, and pulleth down the Parliament: being the easilier perswaded that all this was lawful, because he had a secret Byas and Eye towards his own Exaltation: For he (and his Officers) thought, that when the King was gone a Government there must be; and that no Man was so fit for it as he himself; as best _deserving_ it, and as having by his _Wit_ and great _Interest_ in the Army, the best sufficiency to manage it: Yea, they thought that _G.o.d had called_ them by _Successes_ to _Govern and take Care_ of the Commonwealth, and of the Interest of all his People in the Land; and that if they stood by and suffered the Parliament to do that which they thought was dangerous, it would be required at their hands, whom they thought G.o.d had made the Guardians of the Land.
Having thus forced his Conscience to justifie all his Cause, (the Cutting off the King, the setting up himself and his Adherents, the pulling down the Parliament and the _Scots_,) he thinketh that the End being good and necessary, the necessary means cannot be bad: And accordingly he giveth his Interest and Cause leave to tell him, how far Sects shall be tollerated and commended, and how far not; and how far the Ministry shall be owned and supported, and how far not; yea, and how far Professions, Promises, and Vows shall be kept, or broken; and therefore the Covenant he could not away with; nor the Ministers, further than they yielded to his Ends, or did not openly resist them.
He seemed exceeding open hearted, by a familiar Rustick affected Carriage, (especially to his Soldiers in sporting with them): but he thought Secrecy a Vertue, and Dissimulation no Vice, and Simulation, that is, in plain English a Lie, or Perfidiousness to be a tollerable Fault in a Case of Necessity: being of the same Opinion with the Lord _Bacon_, (who was not so Precise as Learned) That [_the best Composition and Temperature is, to have openness in Fame and Opinion, Secrecy in habit, Dissimulation in seasonable use; and a power to feign if there be no remedy,_] _Essay_ 6. _pag._ 31. Therefore he kept fair with all, saving his open or unreconcileable Enemies. He carried it with such Dissimulation, that Anabaptists, Independants, and Antinomians did all think that he was one of them: But he never endeavoured to perswade the Presbyterians that he was one of them; but only that he would do them Justice, and Preserve them, and that he honoured their Worth and Piety; for he knew that they were not so easily deceived. In a word, he did as our Prelates have done, begin low and rise higher in his Resolutions as his Condition rose, and the Promises which he made in his lower Condition, he used as the interest of his higher following Condition did require, and kept up as much Honesty and G.o.dliness in the main, as his Cause and Interest would allow.
40.
SIR THOMAS FAIRFAX.
_Born 1612. Died 1671_.
By RICHARD BAXTER.
Characters from the Histories & Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century Part 10
You're reading novel Characters from the Histories & Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century Part 10 online at LightNovelFree.com. You can use the follow function to bookmark your favorite novel ( Only for registered users ). If you find any errors ( broken links, can't load photos, etc.. ), Please let us know so we can fix it as soon as possible. And when you start a conversation or debate about a certain topic with other people, please do not offend them just because you don't like their opinions.
Characters from the Histories & Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century Part 10 summary
You're reading Characters from the Histories & Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century Part 10. This novel has been translated by Updating. Author: Various already has 766 views.
It's great if you read and follow any novel on our website. We promise you that we'll bring you the latest, hottest novel everyday and FREE.
LightNovelFree.com is a most smartest website for reading novel online, it can automatic resize images to fit your pc screen, even on your mobile. Experience now by using your smartphone and access to LightNovelFree.com
- Related chapter:
- Characters from the Histories & Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century Part 9
- Characters from the Histories & Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century Part 11