The United States Since the Civil War Part 22

CHAPTER XVIII

IMPERIALISM

"The guns of Admiral Dewey did something more than destroy a Spanish fleet in the harbor of Manila. Their echo came back to us in a question new in the history of our government." The new problem was Imperialism--was it wise policy and was it const.i.tutional to annex and govern territories outside the limits of continental North America? In colonial problems the United States had had no experience; and if the Philippines, Cuba or Porto Rico were annexed, it would be necessary to administer the affairs of peoples whose languages, racial characteristics and forms of government were utterly strange. Such objections arose in the minds of many Americans as the conference a.s.sembled at Paris on October 1 to settle the terms of peace.[1]

The chief controversies between the Spanish and the American negotiators related to Cuba and the Philippines. The Spanish commissioners early proposed to transfer Cuba to the United States, the latter to turn it over to the Cuban people in due time. With the sovereignty of Cuba was to go the debt of the island. On the refusal of the Americans to accede to this, the Spanish commissioners urged the transfer of Cuba to the United States without any promise as to its future. Instructions from Was.h.i.+ngton both on possession and on debt, however, were explicit and in the end Spain had to relinquish all claim to Cuba and a.s.sume responsibility for its indebtedness. The proper disposition of the Philippines presented far greater difficulty. Not only was there a difference of opinion between the two groups of commissioners, but the American government was in doubt about the wisest course to pursue, and grave diversity of opinion existed among the people and in the peace commission itself. Moreover the capture of the city of Manila had taken place after the protocol had been signed and after hostilities had been ordered suspended, but before news of these facts had reached Admiral Dewey. The original instructions of President McKinley to the peace commissioners were to the effect that the outcome of the war had placed new duties and responsibilities on the United States, that the commercial opportunity which possession of the Philippines would present could not be overlooked and that the island of Luzon at least must be ceded. So little was known about the people and the possibilities of the islands that the American commission was compelled to go far afield to obtain information from writers and investigators in regard to questions of defence, the political capacity of the inhabitants, the danger that another nation might step in if the United States should evacuate, commercial prospects, and so on. President McKinley soon came to the opinion that the proper course was to take the entire archipelago. To give them back to Spain seemed "dishonorable"; to turn them over to our commercial rivals, France or Germany, seemed "bad business"; to leave them to themselves would be to leave them to "anarchy and misrule"; hence there was nothing to do but to take all of them and attempt to spread American civilization among the Filipino people. The American commissioners therefore demanded the Philippines, but realizing the defect in their case, since the conquest of Manila had taken place after the conclusion of the protocol, agreed to pay Spain $20,000,000. The Spanish commissioners thereupon yielded to necessity and reluctantly agreed.

As finally signed, the treaty of December 10, 1898, contained the following points: Spain agreed to relinquish Cuba, and the United States was to protect life and property during its occupancy of the island; Spain also ceded Porto Rico and the other Spanish West Indies, Guam in the Ladrones, and the Philippines on payment of $20,000,000; the United States agreed to return to Spain, at its own cost, all Spanish prisoners taken at the time of the capture of Manila; the civil and political rights of the inhabitants of the ceded territories were to be determined by Congress; and freedom of religion was guaranteed.

The reference of the treaty to the Senate for ratification elicited many divergences of opinion, the ablest opposition being presented by members of the President's own party. In particular, the position taken by Senator h.o.a.r, a rigid Republican and a close friend of President McKinley, made a strong impression. That there can be no just government without the consent of the governed, he a.s.serted, was the central doctrine of the Declaration of Independence. Moreover, the acquisition of foreign lands, he believed, would lead us into compet.i.tion with European powers for territory, and thus tempt us away from the international policy which had been laid down by the "fathers" and followed by the nation ever since. Most of the Democrats held similar views, but some of them heeded the advice of Bryan, who urged that the treaty be ratified in order to end the war, and that the ultimate disposition of the new possessions be decided in the next presidential campaign. The point of view which seems to have prevailed with most Republicans was that the United States, being a sovereign nation, possessed power to acquire territory and to determine its future status, and that as a matter of expediency it was better to take the Philippines than to risk the dangers which lay in leaving them alone. Shortly before the final vote was taken, an insurrection broke out in the Philippines against American control, which may have influenced some senators to accept the President's settlement. Even with this aid, however, ratification was brought about by the narrow margin of one vote more than the required two-thirds majority.[2]

Within the field of politics, the Republicans increased the advantage which they had gained in 1896. The congressional and state elections of 1893 continued their control of the House and strengthened it in the Senate; the world-wide prosperity which has already been mentioned and in which the United States shared, was in striking contrast with the business depression of the recent Democratic administration; discoveries of gold deposits in the Klondike and the improvement of methods of extracting the metal from the ore greatly increased the currency supply and a.s.sisted in raising the level of prices, thereby giving greater prosperity to the western farmer and lessening his complaints. The gold standard act of March 14, 1900, pleased the financial interests, for it fixed the standard of value, set the amount of the gold reserve at $150,000,000, and specified adequate means by which the Secretary of the Treasury could maintain other forms of money on a parity with the precious metal. Within the Republican organization, the President's soothing personality and Hanna's meticulous attention to the details of the party machinery continued undiminished the momentum which had been gathered.

Defections on the imperialism issue, while affecting important party leaders, were numerically unimportant. Among the financial and industrial cla.s.ses, therefore, confidence in President McKinley and his advisors was thoroughgoing. There was a strong bond of interest, moreover, between territorial expansion and industrial expansion, between Imperialism and the expansion of foreign markets. The primacy of business was a.s.sured.

The renomination of McKinley at the Republican Convention in Philadelphia, on June 19, 1900, was unanimous. The vice-presidency, contrary to tradition, occupied the center of interest. Several men of prominence were mentioned in this connection but the name which evoked most enthusiasm was that of Theodore Roosevelt. Roosevelt's career during the war with Spain had been a prominent factor in making him Governor of New York. As Governor he had shown energy and independence, especially in connection with measures for taxing street railway and other franchises, and had come into conflict with Senator Thomas C.

Platt, the boss of the state. Senator Platt, therefore, desired to divert the vigorous Governor into the vice-presidency, an office which usually casts a "species of political oblivion" over its occupant.

McKinley was opposed to the plan and so were Hanna and Roosevelt himself. The latter desired to put into effect further plans which he had made as Governor, and the attempt to shelve him aroused his fighting spirit. In the convention, however, sentiment in behalf of Roosevelt, especially from the West, was so strong as to over-rule both the administration and the wishes of the Governor. McKinley sent emphatic word that he was neither for nor against any man, but would accept the decision of the delegates. Hanna then withdrew his objections and Roosevelt was nominated without opposition.

The Republican platform emphasized the prosperity which had resulted from the accession of the party to power; it pointed out the danger which would ensue if the opposition were allowed to conduct public affairs; and it dwelt upon the growth of the export trade, and the beneficence of the Dingley tariff. An ant.i.trust plank deprecated combinations designed to create monopolies, and promised legislation to prevent such abuses. Imperialism was briefly dismissed: "No other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the West Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That course created our responsibility before the world ... to provide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the establishment of good government and for the performance of international obligations."

The dissension which had existed within the Democratic party since the second administration of Cleveland was still the important fact about the organization. Having been out of power, the party could take only the negative position of hostile criticism; there had been no reorganization and clarification of purposes, and no new leader had appeared who combined the personal prestige of Bryan with those qualities of conservatism and solidity which the East demanded, so that from the beginning there was no doubt that Bryan would again be the candidate and that he would take the lead in framing the platform.

The convention met in Kansas City, on July 4. The platform placed most emphasis upon three issues. The first, which was declared the "paramount" one, was imperialism. The reasons given for opposing territorial expansion were mainly those brought forward by Senator h.o.a.r at the time when the peace treaty was under discussion.

We declare again that all governments inst.i.tuted among men derive their just powers from the consent of the governed; that any government not based upon the consent of the governed is a tyranny; and that to impose upon any people a government of force is to subst.i.tute the methods of imperialism for those of a republic.

The second issue, the evils of big business, received renewed attention, although an old complaint, because of the many industrial consolidations of the years immediately preceding. The "trusts" were condemned for appropriating the fruits of industry for the benefit of the few, and the Republican party was charged with fostering them in return for campaign subscriptions and political support. The Dingley act was denounced as a "trust-breeding" measure. The remedies proposed were severely definite in comparison with the vague plank which had been offered by the Republicans: they included publicity as to the affairs of corporations doing an interstate business; the prohibition of stock-watering and attempts at monopoly; and the use of all the const.i.tutional powers of Congress over interstate commerce and the mails for the enactment of comprehensive and effective legislation.

That the silver issue was mentioned was due to the insistence of Bryan, who believed that the stand which had been taken by the party in 1896 was a right one. Notwithstanding the objections of many influential leaders, therefore, a free silver plank was inserted, although in brief terms and in an inconspicuous place.

As a political contest, the campaign of 1900 lacked life in comparison with that of 1896. Interest in anti-imperialism was difficult to arouse, and waned visibly as the weeks wore on. Prosperity and the increased money supply sapped the strength of earlier discontent with the currency situation, so that the choice presented to the voters simmered down to imperialism and Bryan. A bit of vigor was infused into the campaign through the energetic speaking tours of Roosevelt and the Democratic leader. Hanna, as Chairman of the Republican National Committee, organized everything with his usual skill, and raised, his biographer tells us, $2,500,000 from the important business men of the country--one-fifth of it from two companies. The result of the election was the choice of McKinley, whose plurality over Bryan exceeded 860,000 in a total vote of less than 14,000,000; Bryan received less support than had been accorded him in 1896.

While imperialism as a political issue was being discussed and decided, the history of American control in Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines was rapidly being written. Economic conditions in the first of these islands at the time of the American occupation were little short of appalling. The streets, houses and public inst.i.tutions were filthy and in disrepair; anarchy ruled, for lack of any stable and recognized government; and the people were half-clothed, homeless and starving. At noon on January 1, 1899, the Spanish flag was hauled down in Havana, the American flag was hoisted in its place, and representatives of the former government relinquished all rights to the sovereignty and public property of the island. General John R. Brooke, and later General Leonard Wood controlled affairs as military governors.

The first task was to feed the hungry, and care for the sick and dying.

The customs service was revived under command of Colonel Tasker H.

Bliss and began to supply needed revenue. The penal inst.i.tutions were investigated--noisome holes in which were crowded wretched prisoners, many of whom had been incarcerated for no ascertainable reason.

Education was reorganized, equipment provided, teachers found, and schools repaired or rebuilt. Most remarkable, was the work of sanitation. Heaps of rubbish were cleared away; houses washed and disinfected; sewers were opened and streets cleaned. Scientific investigation disclosed the fact that the mosquito disseminated the yellow fever and steps were taken to prevent the breeding of these pests. So successful were the efforts that in a few years the fever had become a thing of the past.

It was seen that the economic rehabilitation of Cuba must come about mainly through the production of sugar, and since the United States was the chief purchaser of the product, the tariff schedule was of vital importance. In 1901 Congress was urged to reduce the tariff on imports from Cuba, but the opposition was formidable. The American Beet Sugar a.s.sociation complained that their industry, which had been recently established, would be ruined by allowing reductions to Cuban growers; the cane-sugar planters of Louisiana were allied with them; and the friends of protection feared the effect of any break in the tariff wall. On the other hand, the American Sugar Refining Company, popularly called the "Sugar Trust," merely refined raw sugar and desired an increase in the supply. Lobbyists of all descriptions poured into Was.h.i.+ngton to influence committees and individuals, and General Leonard Wood, then the Governor of Cuba, even expended Cuban funds in the spread of literature favorable to a reciprocal reduction of duties. In the meantime, a reciprocity treaty was made and submitted to the Senate, where it hung fire for somewhat more than a year, and was finally ratified on December 16, 1903. It provided for the admission of Cuban products into the United States at a reduction of twenty per cent., and a reciprocal reduction on American goods entering Cuba of twenty-five to forty per cent.

The establishment of a policy in regard to permanent relations between the United States and Cuba was brought about in 1901-1902. When Congress had demanded the withdrawal of Spain from the island in 1898, its action had been accompanied by the Teller Resolution, disclaiming any intention of keeping Cuba and a.s.serting a determination to leave the control of the island with its people. After the close of the war President McKinley and his closest advisors in Congress had determined that the pledge should be kept, and public sentiment had been in agreement with them. As soon, therefore, as American control was an established fact, plans were formulated for relinquis.h.i.+ng Cuba to the people of the island. A const.i.tutional convention was held, and a form of government, modelled on that of the United States, was framed and adopted on February 21, 1901.

While the Cuban convention was deliberating, it became apparent that the const.i.tution would not include any statement of a policy in regard to future relations with the United States. The American Senate, therefore, under the leaders.h.i.+p of Senator O.H. Platt, pa.s.sed the so-called "Platt Amendment." Its several provisions were as follows: the Cuban government shall never enter into agreements with other powers which tend to impair the independence of the island; it shall not contract public debts of such size that the ordinary revenues would be inadequate to pay interest charges and provide for a sinking fund; it shall permit the intervention of the United States when needed to preserve Cuban independence and the maintenance of an adequate government; and it shall sell or lease necessary coaling stations to the United States. When satisfied that the purpose of the Amendment was not to enable the United States to meddle in affairs in Cuba, but merely to secure Cuban independence and set forth a definite understanding between the two nations, the convention incorporated it in the final const.i.tution. On May 20, 1902, the control of Cuba was formally relinquished to the people of the island, with the good wishes of the people of the United States. Only once since that time has the United States intervened. During the summer of 1906, an insurrection against the Cuban government took place during which the president of the Republic requested American a.s.sistance. A small army was despatched, which remained until March, 1909, when quiet was restored and an orderly election was held.

The task of the United States in Porto Rico was far simpler than in Cuba. The island was small; the people h.o.m.ogeneous, predominantly white, and well-disposed toward American occupation; and only slight damage had been done by the troops during the war because of the cessation of hostilities at the outset of the Porto Rican expedition.

The development of a system of education, therefore, the improvement of roads and the betterment of health conditions through vaccination and the control of yellow fever presented a problem which was relatively simple.

On October 18, 1898, United States officials a.s.sumed control of the island, and until May 1, 1900, the government was in the hands of the War Department. On the latter date a civil government was established under the "Foraker Act," an organic law or const.i.tution pa.s.sed by Congress on April 12, 1900. Under the provisions of the Act a governor was to be appointed by the President of the United States, to be the chief executive officer of the island. The people of Porto Rico were allowed a voice in the government through the power to elect the lower house of the legislature; but control by the United States was a.s.sured by giving the President authority to choose the members of the upper house, and by giving both the governor and Congress a veto on legislation pa.s.sed by the island legislature. In the course of time the Porto Ricans desired larger self-government. This was granted by the act of March 2, 1917, which made the islanders citizens of the United States and gave them power to elect both houses of the legislature.[3]

The first difficulty met by the United States in the Philippines was an inheritance from Spanish rule. In 1896 the Filipinos, led by Aguinaldo, had risen against the government in order to secure more liberal treatment and to eliminate the influence of the Catholic friars from politics. The "embers of dissatisfaction" were still aglow when the American war intervened. Relations between the revolutionists and the United States forces became strained when the former were not allowed to cooperate with the Americans against the Spanish, and in February, 1899, open warfare followed. Not until July, 1902, was quiet restored, and during the process enough cruelties were practiced by American soldiers to make the anti-imperialists doubly fearful of military control.[4]

McKinley and his Secretary of War--at this time Elihu Root--desired to supplant military government with civil rule as quickly as possible and to this end the President appointed the first Philippine Commission on January 20, 1899, with Jacob G. Schurman, of Cornell University, as Chairman. It was instructed to investigate the situation in the islands and to recommend any action that seemed wise. The unsettled condition of affairs seriously hampered the work of the Commission but it gathered a fund of information which it later published. A second Commission was sent out in 1900, with Judge William H. Taft at the head. The instructions given to the Commission by President McKinley embodied an enlightened colonial policy, the core of which was that the government being established was "designed not for our satisfaction, or for the expression of our theoretical views, but for the happiness, peace, and prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands." The Commission wielded such large powers that gradually the area controlled by the civil government increased at the expense of the military authorities, and by 1902 only the wild Moros were under military control.

By this time a definite form of government could be planned for, built upon the labors of the second Commission. The Philippine Act of July 1, 1902, provided for a governor appointed by the President, with the advice of the Senate, executive departments, and a legislature, the lower house of which was elected by the people. From the beginning the Filipinos, like the Porto Ricans, have desired a greater range of self-government, and in 1916 long steps were taken in the direction desired by them. The Jones act of that year materially increased the powers of the Philippine government and gave the Filipinos power to elect the upper as well as the lower house of the legislature. The pa.s.sage of the law met with enthusiastic approval in the islands.

The purpose of American rule in the Philippines has been to fit the people for self-government, although opinions have differed as to how soon the final outcome could be brought about. An early and bothersome problem was found in the friars' lands, which consisted of about 425,000 acres, for the most part in the vicinity of Manila. The possession of so great an area, together with the religious power and the considerable political authority which the friars exercised under Spanish rule, gave the Church a domination which might threaten trouble after the American occupation. The solution of the problem was found in the purchase of the lands for about $7,000,000 by the United States.

Efforts have been made to introduce a complete system of education--physical and industrial, as well as academic--with such success that when the Jones bill was being discussed in Congress in 1916 it was a.s.serted that every member of the Philippine legislature at that time was a college graduate. In 1917 the Filipino student body numbered 647,256, with 11,822 teachers. Political education has also been a part of the American idea. Elementary self-government was gradually introduced, starting in the more civilized local munic.i.p.alities and provinces and confining the suffrage to the educated people, the official cla.s.ses and property owners. The preservation of order has been more and more entrusted to a Philippine constabulary; civil service officers and school teachers have been increasingly chosen from the Filipinos; and the courts have been partly manned with native judges. Work in sanitation has followed the lines marked out in Cuba and Porto Rico. First and last over 10,000,000 vaccinations were performed before 1914; small-pox has been controlled; attention has been paid to the building of highways and railroads, water supply, the disposal of sewage and allied problems. The precise time, if ever, when independence should be granted to the Philippines is the one great question remaining.

The first attempt to revise the customs laws in the Philippines was made by the Commission during the governors.h.i.+p of William H. Taft.

These schedules were revised in Was.h.i.+ngton in such a way as to discriminate against Philippine interests, but they had remained in force only a short time when Congress pa.s.sed the act of March 8, 1902, allowing goods grown or produced in the Philippines to enter the United States under a twenty-five per cent. reduction. In 1909, the tariff makers were induced to relent to the extent of allowing the free importation of goods grown, produced or manufactured in the Philippines, except that only a specified annual amount of Philippine sugar and tobacco might be brought in. In 1913 the wall was entirely removed on all trade between the United States and the Philippines in articles made or grown in either of the two countries.

While Congress and the President were concerning themselves with the practical problems of military control, sanitation and the like, the Supreme Court was laboriously considering the less tangible but equally perplexing question of the const.i.tutionality of the several acts which the legislative and executive departments had committed. The power of Congress to acquire territory and the right of the executive to control new territory under the war power had long been conceded. Admittedly, however, government under the war power was temporary and transitional.

In earlier times such acquisitions as those effected by the Louisiana purchase and the annexation of Texas had been consummated with the distinct understanding that these regions should immediately or eventually become territories or states in the Union. The status of Porto Rico and the Philippines was novel. "The civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United States," ran the words of the treaty of peace closing the war with Spain, "shall be determined by the Congress." Did this mean that Congress might govern the new acquisitions independently of the Const.i.tution? Could it abridge freedom of speech, and permit cruel and unusual punishments, or establish slavery? Could Congress permanently govern these lands without giving their citizens the rights of citizens of the United States, and with no intention of ever making them territories or states? On the other hand, if Congress must act within the limits prescribed by the Const.i.tution, would the wild Moros of the Philippines be the beneficiaries of the amendment preserving the right of trial by jury? In the popular language of the day, did the Const.i.tution follow the flag?

It was not long before the Supreme Court was called upon in the "Insular Cases" to express itself upon these const.i.tutional questions.

The first case was De Lima _v._ Bidwell. It was a suit to recover duties paid on goods sent from Porto Rico to the United States during the interval between the cession of the island and the pa.s.sage of the Foraker Act. The duties had been paid under the Dingley law, which levied customs of specified amounts upon all goods imported "from foreign countries." Was Porto Rico a "foreign" country? The majority of the nine members of the Court thought that it was not foreign, that there was scarcely a "shred of authority" for the view that a "district ceded to and in the possession of the United States remains for any purpose a foreign country." Since Porto Rico was not a foreign country, the duties were wrongfully collected and must be returned. The remaining four justices dissented. One of them delivered a dissenting opinion in which he held that Porto Rico occupied middle ground between that of a foreign country and domestic territory. As such its status could be determined by Congress only and therefore its products were subject to duties levied by the Dingley act.

In Downes _v._ Bidwell the Court was compelled to determine the const.i.tutionality of the part of the Foraker Act which provided for a tariff between Porto Rico and the United States equal to fifteen per cent. of that levied by the Dingley act. Again the Court divided five to four. Mr. Justice Brown delivered the majority opinion. It was to the effect that the Const.i.tution applied only to States; that Congress possessed unlimited power over the political relations of the territories; that Porto Rico was a "territory appurtenant to and belonging to the United States"; and that the part of the Const.i.tution which says that duties shall be uniform throughout the United States did not apply to Porto Rico unless Congress so willed. Hence the customs clause of the Foraker Act was valid. Four of the majority, however, who agreed with Mr. Justice Brown in his conclusion that the tariff clause of the Foraker Act was const.i.tutional did so for reasons which they a.s.serted to be "different from, if not in conflict with, those expressed" by him.

From the point of view of const.i.tutional law, the decisions were unsatisfactory, because of the balanced division of opinion. Yet to have declared all the provisions of the Const.i.tution in force in all the acquisitions would have been embarra.s.sing. Logic and the Const.i.tution went to the winds, while the executive and legislative departments administered the territories on the convenient and flexible theory that certain const.i.tutional provisions must be heeded and that others need not.

While the colonial policy of the United States was being developed, the possession of the Philippines added interest in the United States to an unusual international situation in China which immediately involved several European nations and eventually affected America. The Chinese-j.a.panese War, which came to a close in 1895, had uncovered to the world the weakness of China as a military power and had weakened the hold of the reigning monarch upon the people of the Empire.

Thereupon the leading commercial nations of Europe began to seize portions of China in order to extend their trade relations in the Far East. Russia first attempted to obtain a seaport, but retired when an uproar of protest arose from the remainder of Europe. Not long afterwards, two German missionaries in the province of Shantung were murdered. The outrage formed a sufficient pretext for aggressive action, as a result of which China leased Kiaochau to Germany for ninety-nine years, including in the grant railway and mining privileges and an indemnity; Russia then renewed her attempt and succeeded in leasing Port Arthur and Talienwan for twenty-five years. Great Britain followed with the acquisition of rights in Weihaiwei similar to those of Russia in Port Arthur; j.a.pan found its share in the province of f.u.kien, and France in Kw.a.n.gchaouwan. In each case, moreover, the leasing power designated a large area around its holdings as a "sphere of influence," in which its economic and political mastery was complete. In this way, thirteen of the eighteen provinces of China, including the most desirable harbors, waterways and mines, were partially controlled by the powers.

American foreign affairs had been, since October 1, 1898, in the skilful hands of John Hay, who was possessed of an intimate knowledge of conditions in Europe. Hay perceived the danger to American commercial interests in China, and accordingly in September, 1899, he addressed a circular note to the powers requesting each of them to give formal a.s.surances that in its sphere of influence: (1) it would not interfere with any treaty port or vested interest; (2) it would agree that the Chinese tariff should apply equally to all goods s.h.i.+pped to ports in the spheres, and be collected by the Chinese officials; and (3) it would charge no higher harbor and railroad rates for citizens of other nations than for its own. The powers having agreed more or less directly, Hay informed them by a note of March 20, 1900, that all had acceded to his propositions and that the United States considered their a.s.sent as "final and definitive." There could be, of course, no effectual guaranty that the powers would fully observe this "Open-Door"

policy, but the economic penetration of China, which would soon result in complete political possession, was at least r.e.t.a.r.ded for the moment.

Domestic affairs in China, meanwhile, had been seething under the surface. An ill-starred reform movement, initiated by the Emperor, had failed, the government was discredited, and the Empress Dowager seized the throne for herself. All China interpreted the event to presage a return to the old order of things--a general anti-foreign movement.

Economic distresses, bad crops, a disastrous flood and hatred of foreign missionaries, combined with a deep resentment at the European part.i.tion of their country, caused the Chinese to break out in a score of scattered attacks on the hated aliens. The culmination was the Boxer Rebellion. The Boxers was a society which had long existed in China for various religious, patriotic and other purposes. It took up the cry "Drive out the foreigners and uphold the dynasty." Government officials by their disinclination to quell the Boxer uprising, showed that their sympathies were with the rioters.

The climax of the outbreak came in and around Pekin, the capital of China. The railroad from the city to the coast was seized, telegraphic connection cut off, and the representatives of the foreign powers were compelled to fortify themselves within the city. On June 19, 1900, all foreigners were ordered to leave within twenty-four hours, and the German minister was shot when he attempted to visit the proper officer in order to protest. The Chinese army poured out to surround the quarter of the city where the legations were situated and cut them off from the rest of the world. All foreigners fled to the British legation, where they constructed bomb proof cellars, raised barricades and planted artillery.[5] The powers, including the United States, combined to send a punitive expedition to Pekin, while the legationers settled down to a state of siege, determined to hold out as long as possible. At last on August 14, when the surviving foreigners were reduced to eating horse flesh and when scores had been killed or wounded, the relief column reached the capital. It was high time. The foreign quarters and much of the business portion, the banks, and the theatres had been burned, and the entire city threatened with destruction.

By the time that the uprisings in Pekin and elsewhere had been suppressed, it was evident that the powers would have a stern accounting with China. Hay had already openly announced the policy of the United States in his note of July 3, 1900; it was that the United States would seek a solution which should bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve the territorial ent.i.ty of the country, protect the rights of friendly powers and insure an equal opportunity for all nations in the commerce of China. Hay continued through the negotiations to urge joint action on the part of the powers, and procured from them a statement disclaiming any purpose to acquire any part of China. At length in December, 1900, the demands upon China were formulated, to which that unhappy nation was compelled to accede. The most important were, punishment for the guilty rioters, safeguards for the future, indemnities for losses and the improvement of commercial relations. The financial indemnity finally placed upon China was $333,000,000, of which $24,000,000 was for the United States. The latter sum proved to be more than sufficient to satisfy all claims and China was relieved from the payment of about $11,000,000. As a mark of appreciation for this act, the Chinese government determined to use the fund in sending students to the United States for education.

While the problems concerning China and the colonial possessions of the United States were reaching a settlement, on September 6, 1901, President McKinley attended the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, where he was shot by a young fanatic. He died eight days later and Vice-President Roosevelt succeeded him.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

The framing, contents and ratification of the treaty of 1898 are well described in Chadwick, Latane and Olcott. The treaty itself is conveniently found in William MacDonald, _Doc.u.mentary Source Book of American History_ (new ed., 1916).

On imperialism: L.A. Coolidge, _An Old-Fas.h.i.+oned Senator, O.H. Plat_ (1910); G.F. h.o.a.r, _Autobiography of Seventy Years_, contains a strong argument against imperialism; A.C. Coolidge, _United States as a World Power_ (1916).

The best accounts of the election of 1900 are in Stanwood, Croly and Latane.

The island possessions have given rise to a considerable body of special volumes of a high order. Especially useful are: (Cuba), Elihu Hoot, _Military and Colonial Policy of the United States_ (1916), by McKinley's Secretary of War; L.A. Coolidge, _O.H. Platt_ (1910); A.G.

Robinson, _Cuba and the Intervention_ (1905); C.E. Magoon, _Republic of Cuba_ (1908), by the provisional governor during the second intervention. (Porto Rico), W.F. Willoughby, _Territories and Dependencies of the United States_ (1905), by a former treasurer of Porto Rico; L.S. Rowe, _United States and Porto Rico_ (1904). The most complete work on the Philippines is D.C. Worcester, _Philippines: Past and Present_ (2 vols., 1914), by a member of the Commission; the valuable report of Commissioner Taft is in _Report of the Philippine Commission_, 1907, part 3, printed also as _Senate Doc.u.ment 200_, 60th Congress, 1st session, vol. 7, (Serial Number 5240).