History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Volume III Part 39
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[Sidenote: THE ADVERSE PARTY AT BERNE.]
His son Nicholas, then thirty-one years of age, had been for two years provost of the church of Berne, and as such, by virtue of the papal ordinances, enjoyed great privileges; accordingly Berthold Haller used to call him "our bishop."[535] The prelates and the pope spared no endeavours to bind him to the interests of Rome;[536] and it seemed as if everything would keep him from a knowledge of the Gospel; but the ways of G.o.d are more powerful than the flatteries of man. Watteville was turned from darkness to the mild light of the Gospel, says Zwingle.[537] As a friend of Berthold Haller, he read all the letters which the latter received from Zwingle, and could not find language to express his admiration.[538]
[535] Episcopus noster _Vadivillius_. Zw. Epp. p. 285.
[536] Tantum favoris et amicitiae quae tibi c.u.m tanto summorum pontific.u.m et potentissimorum episcoporum ctu hactenus intercessit. Zw. Opp. i. anc. ed. lat. 305.
[537] Ex obscuris ignorantiae tenebris in amnam Evangelii lucem productum. Ibid.
[538] Epistolas tuae et eruditionis et humanitatis testes locupletissimas. Zw. Epp. p. 287.
The influence of the two Wattevilles, one of whom was at the head of the state and the other of the church, would apparently draw after it the whole republic. But the opposite party was not less powerful.
Amongst its leaders were the schulthess of Erlach, the banneret Willading, and many patricians whose interests were identical with those of the convents under their administration. Behind these influential men were an ignorant and corrupted clergy, who called the evangelical doctrine "an invention of h.e.l.l"--"My dear confederates,"
said the councillor Mullinen before a full a.s.sembly in the month of July, "take care that this Reformation does not come here; at Zurich a man is not safe in his own house, and he is obliged to have a guard to protect him." Accordingly they invited to Berne the reader of the Dominicans of Mentz, one John Hein, who went into the pulpit and declaimed against the Reformation with the eloquence of a Saint Thomas.[539]
[539] Suo Thomistico Marte omnia invertere. Ibid.
Thus were the two parties drawn up in battle-array against each other; a struggle seemed inevitable, and already the result did not appear doubtful. In fact, one common faith united a part of the people to the most distinguished families of the state. Berthold Haller exclaimed, full of confidence in the future: "Unless G.o.d's anger be turned against us, it is not possible for the Word of G.o.d to be banished from this city, for the Bernese are hungering after it!"[540]
[540] Famem verbi Bernates habent. Ibid. 295.
[Sidenote: FIRST SUCCESSES OF THE REFORM.]
Shortly after this two acts of the government appeared to incline the balance to the side of the Reformation. The Bishop of Lausanne having announced an episcopal visitation, the council intimated to him through the provost Watteville, that he had better refrain from so doing.[541] And at the same time the councils of Berne issued an ordinance which, whilst in appearance it conceded something to the enemies of the Reformation, sanctioned the principles of the new doctrines. They decreed that the Gospel and the doctrine of G.o.d, as it is laid down by the books of the Old and New Testament, should be preached exclusively, freely, and openly; and that the ministers should abstain from every doctrine, discussion, or writing, proceeding from Luther or other teachers.[542] Great was the surprise of the adversaries of the Reformation when they saw the evangelical preachers boldly appealing to this ordinance. This decree, which was the basis of all those that succeeded, was the legal commencement of the Reformation in Berne. From that time the progress of this canton was more decided, and Zwingle, whose attentive eyes watched everything that was pa.s.sing in Switzerland, was able to write to the provost Watteville: "All Christians are overjoyed, on account of the faith which the pious city of Berne has just received."[543]--"The cause is the cause of Christ," exclaimed the friends of the Gospel;[544] and they devoted themselves to it with an increase of courage.
[541] Ut nec oppidum, nec pagos Bernatum visitare praetendat omnino.
Ibid.
[542] Alein das heilig Evangelium und die lehr Gottes frey, offentlich und unverborgen. Bull. Chr. p. 111.
[543] Alle Christen sich allenthalben frouwend des glaubens. Zw. Opp.
i. 426.
[544] Christi negotium agitur. Zw. Epp. 9th May 1523.
The enemies of the Reformation, alarmed at these first advantages, closed their ranks, and resolved to strike a blow that would secure their victory. They conceived the project of getting rid of these ministers whose bold discourses were overthrowing the most time-honoured customs; and it was not long before a favourable opportunity occurred. There existed in Berne, on the spot now occupied by the hospital of the Island, a convent of nuns of St. Dominic, consecrated to St. Michael. The anniversary of the archangel (29th September) was a great festival at the monastery. Many of the clergy were present this year, and among others Wittenbach of Bienne, Sebastian Meyer, and Berthold Haller. Having entered into conversation with the nuns, among whom was Clara, daughter of Claudius May, a supporter of the Reformation, Haller said to her, in the presence of her grandmother: "The merits of the conventual life are imaginary, whilst marriage is an honourable state, inst.i.tuted by G.o.d himself."
Some of the nuns to whom Clara repeated Berthold's words were horrified at them. "Haller maintains," was the rumour in the city, "that all nuns are children of the devil." The opportunity which the enemies of the Reformation were looking for was found. Going before the Smaller Council, they referred to an ancient law which enacted that whoever carried off a nun from her convent should lose his head, but asked for a mitigation of the penalty, and that, without giving the three ministers a hearing, they should be banished for life. The Smaller Council acceded to their prayer, and the matter was immediately carried before the Great Council.
[Sidenote: HALLER AT THE CONVENT--ACCUSED AND ACQUITTED.]
Thus was Berne about to be deprived of her reformers: the intrigues of the papal party were successful. But Rome, who triumphed when she addressed herself to the oligarchs, was beaten before the people or their representatives. Scarcely had they heard the names of Haller, Meyer, and Wittembach, men whom all Switzerland venerated, than an energetic opposition was manifested by the Great Council against the Smaller Council and the clergy. "We cannot condemn the accused unheard," exclaimed Tillmann; "their testimony is surely as good as that of a few women." The ministers were called before them: the affair was embarra.s.sing. At length John Weingarten said: "Let us give credit to both parties." They did so: the ministers were discharged, with an intimation to confine themselves to their pulpits, and not to meddle with the cloisters. But the pulpit was sufficient for them. The efforts of their adversaries had redounded to their own disgrace. It was a great victory for the Reformation. Accordingly one of the patricians exclaimed: "It is all over now: Luther's affair must go forward."[545]
[545] Es ist nun gethan. Der Lutherische Handel muss vorgehen.
Anshelm, Wirtz, K. G. v. 290.
[Sidenote: CONVENT OF KoNIGSFELDT.]
And it did in fact go forward, and in the very places where they expected it the least. At Konigsfeldt, on the Aar, near the castle of Hapsburg, stood a monastery adorned with all the conventual magnificence of the Middle Ages, and where reposed the ashes of several members of that ill.u.s.trious house which had given so many emperors to Germany. Here the daughters of the greatest families of Switzerland and Swabia used to take the veil. It was not far from the spot where, on the 1st of May 1308, the Emperor Albert had fallen by the hand of his nephew John of Swabia; and the beautiful painted windows of the church of Konigsfeldt represented the horrible punishments that had been inflicted on the relations and va.s.sals of the murderer. Catherine of Waldburg-Truchsess, abbess of the convent at the period of the Reformation, numbered among her nuns Beatrice of Landenberg, sister to the Bishop of Constance, Agnes of Mullinen, Catherine of Bonstetten, and Margaret of Watteville, the provost's sister. The liberty enjoyed in this convent, which in former times had given room for scandalous disorders, now permitted the Holy Scriptures with the writings of Zwingle and Luther to be introduced; and soon a new life entirely changed its aspect. Near that cell to which Queen Agnes, Albert's daughter, had retired, after having bathed in torrents of blood as in "maydew," and where, plying the distaff or embroidering ornaments for the church, she had mingled exercises of devotion with thoughts of vengeance,--Margaret Watteville had only thoughts of peace, and divided her time between reading the Scriptures and compounding salutary ingredients to form an excellent electuary.
Retiring to her cell, this youthful nun had the boldness to write to the doctor of Switzerland. Her letter displays to us, better than any reflections could do, the christian spirit that existed in those pious women, who are still so grievously calumniated even in our own days.
[Sidenote: MARGARET WATTEVILLE TO ZWINGLE.]
"May grace and peace in the Lord Jesus be given and multiplied towards you always by G.o.d our heavenly Father,"
wrote the nun of Konigsfeldt to Zwingle. "Most learned, reverend, and dear Sir, I entreat you to take in good part the letter I now address to you. The love which is in Christ constrains me to do so, especially since I have learnt that the doctrine of salvation is spreading day by day through your preaching of the Word of G.o.d. For this reason I give praise to the everlasting G.o.d for enlightening us anew, and sending us by his Holy Spirit so many heralds of His blessed Word; and at the same time I offer up my ardent prayers that he will clothe with his strength both you and all those who proclaim His glad tidings, and that, arming you against all the enemies of the truth, He will cause his Divine Word to grow in all men. Very learned Sir, I venture to send your reverence this trifling mark of my affection; do not despise it; it is an offering of christian charity. If this electuary does you good, and you should desire more, pray let me know; for it would be a great pleasure to me to do anything that was agreeable to you; and it is not I only who think thus, but all those who love the Gospel in our convent of Konigsfeldt. They salute your reverence in Jesus Christ, and we all commend you without ceasing to His almighty protection.[546]
"Sat.u.r.day before _Laetare_, 1523."
[546] Cujus praesidio auxilioque praesentissimo, nos vestram dignitatem a.s.sidue commendamus. Zw. Epp. p. 280.
Such was the pious letter that the nun of Konigsfeldt wrote to the doctor of Switzerland.
A convent into which the light of the Gospel had thus penetrated could not persevere in the observances of a monastic life. Margaret Watteville and her sisters, convinced that they could better serve G.o.d in the bosom of their families than in the cloister, asked permission to leave it. The council of Berne in alarm endeavoured at first to bring these nuns to reason, and the provincial and abbess employed threats and promises by turns; but the sisters Margaret, Agnes, Catherine, and their friends were not to be shaken. Upon this the discipline of the convent was relaxed, the nuns were exempted from fasting and matins, and their allowance was increased. "It is not the liberty of the flesh that we require," said they to the council; "it is that of the spirit. We, your poor and innocent prisoners, entreat you to have pity on us!"--"_Our_ prisoners! _our_ prisoners!"
exclaimed the banneret Krauchthaler, "they shall be no prisoners of mine!" This language from one of the firmest supporters of the convents decided the council; the convent gates were opened, and shortly after, Catherine Bonstetten was married to William of Diesbach.
[Sidenote: THE TWO CHAMPIONS.]
And yet Berne, far from siding openly with the reformers, held a middle course, and endeavoured to pursue a see-saw system. An opportunity soon occurred for showing this vacillating procedure.
Sebastian Meyer, reader of the Franciscans, published a retractation of his Romish errors, which created a great sensation, and in which, describing a conventual life, he said: "In the convents the monks live more impurely, fall more frequently, recover themselves more tardily, walk more unsteadily, rest more dangerously, are pitied more rarely, are cleansed more slowly, die more despairingly, and are condemned more severely."[547] At the very time Meyer was thus denouncing the cloisters, John Heim, reader of the Dominicans, was exclaiming from the pulpit: "No! Christ has not, as the evangelists teach, made satisfaction to his Father once for all. It is further necessary that G.o.d should every day be reconciled to man by the sacrifice of the ma.s.s and by good works." Two citizens who chanced to be present, interrupted him by saying: "It is not true." There was immediately a great disturbance in the church; Heim remained silent; many persons urged him to continue, but he left the pulpit without finis.h.i.+ng his sermon. On the morrow, the Great Council struck a blow at once against Rome and the Reformation; they turned the two great controversialists, Meyer and Heim, out of the city. "They are neither muddy nor clear,"[548] it was said of the Bernese, playing on the word _Luther_, which in old German signifies _clear_.[549]
[547] Langsamer gereiniget, verzweifelter stirbt, harter verdammet.
Kirchhofer, Reform. v. Bern. p. 48.
[548] Da.s.s sie weder luther noch trub seyen. Ibid. p. 50.
[549] Romish writers, and M. de Haller in particular, following Salat and Tschudi, both enemies of the Reformation, quote a pretended letter of Zwingle's, addressed about this time to Kolb at Berne. It is as follows:--
"Health and blessing from G.o.d our Lord. Dear Francis, proceed gently in the affair; at first throw the bear only one sour pear among many sweet ones; then two, and afterwards three; and when he has begun to eat them, throw him more and more--sour and sweet all together; at last empty the sack entirely, hard and soft, sweet, sour, and unripe; he will eat them all, and will no longer allow them to be taken away, or himself to be driven from them.--Zurich, Monday before St.
George's day, 1525.
"Your servant in Christ, ULRICH ZWINGLE."
There are decisive reasons against the authenticity of this letter.--I. In 1525, Kolb was pastor at Wertheimer; he did not remove to Berne until 1527. (See Zw. Epp. p. 526.)--M. de Haller, indeed, very arbitrarily subst.i.tutes 1527 for 1525: this correction was no doubt very well meant; but here, unfortunately, Haller is at variance with Salat and Tschudi, who, although they do not agree as to the day on which this letter was alluded to in the diet, are unanimous as to the year, which with both is clearly 1525.--II. There is a difference as to the manner in which this letter was divulged; according to one version, it was intercepted; according to another, some of Kolb's paris.h.i.+oners communicated it to an inhabitant of the smaller cantons who chanced to be at Berne.--III. The original is in German; but Zwingle always wrote in Latin to his learned friends; and besides, he saluted them as their _brother_, and not as their _servant_.--IV. If we read Zwingle's letters, we shall see that it is impossible to find two styles more unlike than that of the pretended letter and his.
Zwingle would never have written a letter to say so little; his epistles are generally long and full of news. To call the paltry jest preserved by Salat _a letter_, is mere mockery.--V. As an historian Salat deserves little confidence, and Tschudi appears to have copied him with a few variations. It is possible that a man of the smaller cantons may have had communication from some Bernese of Zwingle's letter to Haller, which we have mentioned in our second volume (p.
359), where Zwingle employs this same comparison of the bears with much dignity, which moreover occurs in all the authors of that time.
This may have suggested to some wag the idea of inventing this spurious letter as addressed by Zwingle to Kolb.
[Sidenote: CLARA KAY.]
But in vain did they seek to stifle the Reformation in Berne. It was advancing on every side. The sisters of the convent of the Island had not forgotten Haller's visit. Clara May and several of her friends, anxiously pondering on what they ought to do, wrote to the learned Henry Bullinger. "St. Paul," replied he, "enjoins young women not to make vows, but to marry, and not to live in idleness under a false show of piety. (1 Timothy v. 13, 14.) Follow Jesus Christ in humility, charity, patience, purity, and kindness."[550] Clara, praying for help from on high, resolved to adopt this advice, and renounce a life so contrary to the Word of G.o.d, invented by men, and fraught with temptation and sin. Her father Bartholomew, who had spent fifty years on the battle-field or in the council-chamber, heard of his daughter's resolution with delight. Clara left the convent.
[550] Euerem Herrn Jesu nachfolget in Demuth. Kirchh. Ref. v. B. 60.
[Sidenote: BASLE.]
The provost Nicholas Watteville, whose whole interest bound him to the Roman hierarchy, and who was to be raised to the first vacant bishopric in Switzerland, also renounced his t.i.tles, his revenues, and his expectations, that he might preserve an unspotted conscience; and snapping all the bonds by which the popes had endeavoured to entangle him, he entered into the marriage state, established by G.o.d from the creation of the world. Nicholas Watteville married Clara May; and about the same time, her sister Margaret, the nun of Konigsfeldt, was united to Lucius Tscharner of Coire.[551]
[551] Zw. Epp. annotatio, p. 451. The Tscharners of Berne are descended from this marriage.
History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Volume III Part 39
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