History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Volume II Part 10

[158] Ibid. p. 281.

The preacher continues. "There is no union closer, deeper, or more inseparable than that between food and the body which is nourished by it. In the sacrament, Christ unites himself to us so closely that he acts in us as if he were identified with us. Our sins attack him. His righteousness defends us."

But Luther, not deeming it enough to expound the truth, attacks one of the most fundamental errors of Rome.[159] The Roman Church pretends that the sacrament operates by itself, independently of the disposition of him who receives it. Nothing can be more convenient than such an opinion, since to it, both the eagerness with which the sacrament is sought, and the profits of the clergy are to be ascribed.

Luther attacks this doctrine,[160] and maintains its opposite[161]--viz., that faith and a right disposition of heart are indispensable.

[159] "Si quis dixerit per ipsa novae legis sacramenta _ex opere operato_ non conferri gratiam, sed solam fidem divinae promissionis, ad gratiam consequendam sufficere, anathema sit." (Council of Trent, Sess. 7, can. 8.) If any man says that grace is not bestowed through the Sacraments of the New Covenant, by the mere act, (_ex opere operato_,) but that faith alone in the divine promise is sufficient to obtain grace, let him be anathema.

[160] Known by the name of opus operatum, the work performed.

[161] That of the _opus operantis_, the work of the performer, the communicant.

This energetic protestation was destined to overthrow ancient superst.i.tions; but, strange to say, it attracted no attention. Rome overlooked what might have made her scream in agony, and impetuously attacked the unimportant observation which Luther threw out at the commencement of his discourse, concerning communion in two kinds. The discourse having been published in December, a general cry of heresy was raised. "It is just the doctrine of Prague unadulterated," was the exclamation at the Court of Dresden, where the sermon arrived during the Christmas festivals. "It is written, moreover, in German, in order to make it accessible to the common people."[162] The devotion of the prince was troubled, and on the third day of the festival he wrote to his cousin Frederick. "Since the publication of this discourse, the number of persons who receive the sacrament in two kinds has received an increase of 6000. Your Luther, from being a professor of Wittemberg, is on the eve of becoming a bishop of Prague, and an arch-heretic".... The cry was, "he was born in Bohemia, of Bohemian parents, he was brought up at Prague, and trained in the writings of Wickliffe."

[162] L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 281.

Luther judged it right to contradict these rumours in a writing in which he gravely detailed his parentage. "I was born at Eisleben,"

said he, "and was baptised in St. Peter's church. The nearest town to Bohemia in which I have ever been, is Dresden."[163]

[163] L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 281.

The letter of Duke George did not prejudice the Elector against Luther, for a few days after he invited him to a splendid entertainment which he gave to the Spanish amba.s.sador, and at which Luther valiantly combated the minister of Charles.[164] The Elector's chaplain had, by his master's order, requested Luther to use moderation in defending his cause. "Excessive folly displeases man,"

replied Luther to Spalatin, "but excessive wisdom displeases G.o.d. The gospel cannot be defended without tumult and scandal. The word of G.o.d is sword, war, ruin, scandal, destruction, poison;"[165] and, hence, as Amos expresses it, "it presents itself like a bear in the path, and a lioness in the forest. I ask nothing, I demand nothing. There is one greater than I who asks and demands. Whether he stands or falls, I am neither gainer nor loser."[166]

[164] Caerterum ego natus sum in Eisleben.... (L. Ep. i, p. 389.)

[165] c.u.m quo heri ego et Philippus certavimus, splendide invitati.

(Ibid. p. 396.) With whom Philip and I had a debate yesterday at a splendid entertainment.

[166] Verb.u.m Dei gladius est, bellum est, ruina est, scandalum est, perditio est, venenum est.... (L. Ep. i, p. 417.)

[Sidenote: ECK'S ATTACK.]

It was obvious that faith and courage were about to become more necessary to Luther than ever. Eck was forming projects of revenge.

Instead of the laurels which he had counted on gaining, he had become a laughing-stock to all men of intellect throughout the nation.[167]

Cutting satires were published against him. Eck was cut to the very heart by "An Epistle of Ignorant Canons," written by colompadius, and a complaint against him probably by the excellent Pirckheimer of Nuremberg, exhibiting a combination of sarcasm and dignity of which the 'Provincial Letters' of Pascal alone can give some idea.

[167] Ego nihil quaero; est qui quaerat. Stet ergo, sive cadat; ego nihil lucror, aut amitto. (Ibid. p. 418.)

Luther expressed his dissatisfaction with some of these writings. "It is better," said he, "to attack openly than to keep barking behind a hedge."[168]

[168] Melior est aperta criminatio, quam iste sub sepe morsus. (Ibid.

p. 425.)

How greatly the chancellor of Ingolstadt had miscalculated! His countrymen abandon him, and he prepares for a journey beyond the Alps, to invoke the aid of strangers. Wherever he goes he vents his threatenings against Luther, Melancthon, Carlstadt, and the Elector himself. "From the haughtiness of his expressions," says the doctor of Wittemberg, "one would say he imagines himself to be G.o.d Almighty."[169] Inflamed with rage, and thirsting for vengeance, Eck, having in February, 1520, published a work on the primacy of St.

Peter,--a work devoid of sound criticism, in which he maintained that this apostle, the first of the popes, resided for twenty-five years at Rome--set out for Italy in order to receive the reward of his pretended triumphs, and to forge at Rome, near the papal capitol, thunders mightier than the frail scholastic arms which had given way in his hands.

[169] Deum crederes omnipotentem loqui. (L. Ep. i, p. 380.)

Luther was aware of all the dangers to which the journey of his antagonist would expose him--but he feared not. Spalatin, alarmed, urged him to make proposals of peace. "No," replied Luther, "so long as he clamours, I cannot decline the contest. I commit the whole affair to G.o.d, and leave my bark to the winds and waves. It is the battle of the Lord. How can it be imagined that Christ will advance his cause by peace? Did he not combat even unto death, and have not all the martyrs since done the same?"[170]

[170] Cogor rem Deo committere, data flatibus et fluctibus nave.

Bellum Domini est.... (Ibid. p. 423.)

Such was the position of the two combatants of Leipsic, at the commencement of the year 1520. The one was stirring up the whole papacy to strike a blow at his rival, who, on his part, waited for war as calmly as if he had been waiting for peace. The year on which we are entering will see the bursting of the storm.

BOOK SIXTH.

THE BULL OF ROME.

1520.

CHAP. I.

Character of Maximilian--The Compet.i.tors for the Empire--Charles--Francis I--Inclination of the Germans--The Crown offered to Frederick--Charles is Elected.

A new character was going to appear upon the stage. G.o.d saw meet to place the monk of Wittemberg in presence of the most powerful monarch who had appeared in Christendom since Charlemagne. He chose a prince, in the fervid vigour of youth, to whom every thing presaged a reign of long duration--a prince whose sceptre extended over a considerable portion both of the old and the new world; so that, according to a celebrated expression, the sun never set on his vast dominions--and opposed him to this humble Reformation, which began with the anguish and sighs of a poor monk, in the obscure cell of a convent at Erfurt.

The history of this monarch and his reign seems to have been destined to give a great lesson to the world. It was to show the nothingness of all "the power of man," when it presumes to contend with "the weakness of G.o.d." Had a prince, friendly to Luther, been called to the empire, the success of the Reformation would have been attributed to his protection. Had even an emperor opposed to the new doctrine, but feeble, occupied the throne, the triumphant success of the work would have been accounted for by the feebleness of the monarch. But it was the proud conqueror of Pavia who behoved to humble his pride before the power of the Divine Word, that all the world might see how he, who had found it easy to drag Francis I a captive to Madrid, was compelled to lower his sword before the son of a poor miner.

[Sidenote: COMPEt.i.tORS FOR THE IMPERIAL CROWN.]

The Emperor Maximilian was dead, and the electors had met at Frankfort to give him a successor. In the circ.u.mstances in which Europe was placed, this election was of vast importance, and was regarded with deep interest by all Christendom. Maximilian had not been a great prince; but his memory was dear to the people, who took a pleasure in remembering his presence of mind and good-humoured affability. Luther often talked of him to his friends, and one day related the following anecdote.

A beggar had kept running after him asking charity, and addressing him as his _brother_; "for," said he, "we are both descended from the same father, Adam. I am poor," continued he, "but you are rich, and it is your duty to a.s.sist me." At these words the emperor turned round and said to him--"Hold, there's a penny: go to your other brothers, and if each gives you as much, you will soon be richer than I am."[171]

[171] L. Op. (W.) xxii, 1869.

The person about to be called to the empire was not a good-natured Maximilian. Times were to undergo a change; ambitious potentates were competing for the imperial throne of the West; the reins of the empire were to be seized by an energetic hand; profound peace was to be succeeded by long and b.l.o.o.d.y wars.

[Sidenote: FRANCIS I. HENRY VIII. FREDERICK.]

At the a.s.sembly of Frankfort, three kings aspired to the crown of the Caesars. A youthful prince, grandson of the last emperor, born at the opening of the century, and consequently nineteen years of age, first presented himself. He was named Charles, and was born at Ghent. His paternal grandmother, Mary, daughter of Charles the Bold, had left him Flanders and the rich States of Burgundy. His mother, Joan, daughter of Ferdinand of Arragon and Isabella of Castile, and wife of Philip, son of the Emperor Maximilian, had transmitted to him the united kingdoms of Spain, Naples, and Sicily, to which Christopher Columbus had added a new world, while the recent death of his grandfather put him in possession of the hereditary States of Austria. This young prince, who was endowed with great talents. To a turn for military exercises (in which the dukes of Burgundy had long been distinguished)--to the finesse and penetration of the Italians--to the reverence for existing inst.i.tutions which still characterises the house of Austria, and promised the papacy a firm defender, he joined a thorough knowledge of public affairs, acquired under the direction of Chievres, having from fifteen years of age taken part in all the deliberations of his cabinet.[172] These diversified qualities were, in a manner, shrouded under Spanish reserve and taciturnity. In personal appearance he was tall in stature, and had somewhat of a melancholy air. "He is pious and tranquil," said Luther, "and I believe does not speak as much in a year as I do in a day."[173] Had the character of Charles been formed under the influence of freedom and Christianity, he would perhaps have been one of the most admirable princes on record; but politics engrossed his life, and stifled his great and good qualities.

[172] Memoires de Bellay, i, 45.

[173] L. Op. (W.) xxii, 1874.

Not contented with all the sceptres which he grasped in his hand, young Charles aspired to the imperial dignity. "It is like a sunbeam, which throws l.u.s.tre on the house which it illumines," said several, "but put forth the hand to lay hold of it and you will find nothing."

Charles, on the contrary, saw in it the pinnacle of all earthly grandeur, and a means of acquiring a magic influence over the spirit of the nations.

Francis I was the second of the compet.i.tors. The young paladins of the court of this chivalric king were incessantly representing to him that he was ent.i.tled, like Charlemagne, to be the emperor of all the West, and reviving the exploits of the ancient knights, to attack the crescent which was menacing the empire, discomfit the infidels, and recover the holy sepulchre.