Final Report of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Commission Part 7

The States which composed the Union when its possessions were so greatly extended have since that time seen the center of the nation's population carried more than 500 miles westward by the swift and constant current of settlement toward this new domain; and the citizens of these States have been flocking thither, "new brethren to partake of the blessings of freedom and self-government," in mult.i.tudes greater than even Jefferson would have dared to foretell.

I shall not enter the field of statistics for the purpose of giving details of the development of the territory acquired under the treaty we commemorate. I have referred to such development in some of its general features by way of suggesting how distinctly the century just ended gives a.s.surance of a startling and superabundant final fulfillment of the prophecies of its beginners.

The supreme importance of the Louisiana purchase and its value as a national accomplishment, when seen in the incidents of its short history and in the light of its present and prospective effects, and judged solely by its palpable and independent merits, can not be better characterized than by the adoption of the following language from the pen of a brilliant American historian: "The annexation of Louisiana was an event so portentious as to defy measurement. It gave a new face to politics and ranked in historical importance next to the Declaration of Independence and the adoption of the Const.i.tution, events of which it was the logical outcome. But as a matter of diplomacy it was unparalleled because it cost almost nothing."

How fitting on every ground it is that the centennial of this stupendous event should be joyously and appropriately celebrated; and that it should be celebrated here in the most populous of the States created from the territory which the Louisiana purchase gave to us. And how in keeping it is with the character of this acquisition and with its purpose and mission that our celebration should not waste itself on the pomp and pageantry that belongs to the triumphs and spoils of war, or to the rapacious dispossessions of ruthless conquest. Every feature of our celebration should remind us that we memorialize a peaceful acquisition of territory for truly American uses and purposes; and we should rejoice not only because this acquisition immediately gave peace and contentment to the spirited and determined American settlers who demanded an outlet of trade to the sea, but also because it provided homes and means of livelihood for the millions of new Americans whose coming tread fell upon the ears of the expectant fathers of the Republic, and whose stout hearts and brawny arms wrought the miracles which our celebration should interpret.

We are here at this hour to dedicate beautiful and stately edifices to the purposes of our commemoration, but as we do this let us remember that the soil whereon we stand was a century ago dedicated to the genius of American industry and thrift. For every reason, nothing could be more appropriate as an important part of the centennial commemoration we have undertaken than the gathering together on this spot of the things that are characteristic of American effort and which tell the story of American achievement; and how happily will this be supplemented and crowned by the generous, magnanimous, and instructive contributions from other and older lands, which, standing side by side with our exhibits, shall manifest the high and friendly regard our Republic has gained among the governments of the earth, and shall demonstrate how greatly advancing civilization has fostered and stimulated the brotherhood of nations.

I can not, however, rid myself of the feeling that the inspiration and value attending such an exposition may be antic.i.p.ated and increased if on this dedicatory occasion we promote appropriate reflections by a retrospection of some of the incidents which accompanied the event we celebrate.

We all know that long before the negotiations of the treaty of 1803 our Government had a keen appreciation of the importance to American settlers in the valley of the Mississippi of an arrangement permitting their products to be deposited and exported at the entrance of that river to the sea. It will be remembered that this need of our settlers had been met in a limited and not altogether secure manner by a treaty with Spain, allowing such deposits and exports to be made at the city of New Orleans. This privilege was entirely withdrawn in October, 1792, the territory appurtenant to such privilege having been in the meantime transferred to France. The situation thus created was extremely delicate. There was presented to the Government on the one hand the injury to western settlers through the loss of their trading outlet, and on the other the perplexing question of affording them relief by means of diplomatic agreement, or in some other method. The abandonment of our settlers to their disheartening fate was of course not contemplated.

It can not be denied that the conditions plainly pointed to cautious and deliberate negotiations as the way of prudence and safety. It very soon became apparent, however, that delay and too much deliberation did not suit the temper and spirit of st.u.r.dy Americans chafing under a sense of wrong and convinced that they were ent.i.tled to prompt a.s.sistance. The inhabitants of our territory bounding on the east side of the Mississippi, in a memorial addressed to the President, Senate, and House of Representatives, after reciting their discouraging conditions and expressing their faith in the Government's disposition to extend the necessary aid, closed their memorial with these significant words: "And so far as may depend on ourselves, we tender to our country our lives and fortunes in support of such measures as Congress may deem necessary to vindicate the honor and protect the interests of the United States."

The settlers in the States "west of the Allegheny Mountains"

also, in a memorial to the Government, clearly indicated their impatience and readiness for extreme action, declared that prompt and decisive measures were necessary, and referred to the maxim that protection and allegiance are reciprocal as being particularly applicable to their situation. They concluded their statement with these solemn words: "Without interfering in the measures that have been adopted to bring about the amicable arrangement of a difference which has grown out of the gratuitous violation of a solemn treaty, they desire that the United States may explicitly understand that their condition is critical; that the delay of a single season would be ruinous to their country, and that an imperious necessity may consequently oblige them, if they receive no aid, to adopt themselves the measures that may appear to them calculated to protect their commerce, even though those measures should produce consequences unfavorable to the harmony of the Confederacy."

These representations emphasized the apprehension of those charged with governmental affairs that the course of deliberate caution and waiting, which up to that time had appeared to be the only one permissible, might be insufficient to meet the situation, and that whatever the result might be, a more p.r.o.nounced position and more urgent action should be entered upon. President Jefferson wrote to a friend on the 1st of February, 1803: "Our circ.u.mstances are so imperious as to admit of no delay as to our course, and the use of the Mississippi so indispensible that we can not hesitate one moment to hazard our existence for its maintenance." He appointed an additional envoy to cooperate with our representative already at the French capital in an attempt to obtain a concession that would cure the difficulty, and, in a communication to him, after referring to the excitement caused by the withdrawal of the right of deposit, he thus characterizes the condition which he believed confronted the nation: "On the event of this mission depend the future destinies of this Republic. If we can not by a purchase of the country insure to ourselves a course of perpetual peace and friends.h.i.+p of all nations, then, as war can not be far distant, it behooves us immediately to be preparing for that course, though not hastening it."

I have not recited these details for the purpose of claiming that this accelerated speed and advanced position on the part of our Government had any important effect in hastening final results. I have thought it not amiss, however, to call attention to the fact that a century ago the people of this country were not seeking to gain governmental benefit by clandestine approach and cunning pretense, but were apt to plainly present their wants and grievances, and to openly demand such consideration and care from the General Government as was their due under the mandate of popular rule, and that in making their demands they relied on the mutual obligation of the relations.h.i.+p between the governed and those invested with authority, and invoked the reciprocity in political duty which enjoins that for the people's obedience and support of government, there shall be given in exchange, by the Government to the people, defense of their personal rights and the a.s.surance that in safety and peace they shall surely reap the fruits of their enterprise and labor.

It may also be well to note the efficacy of the people's call upon the Government in those early days, and how quickly the response came; not by yielding to gusts of popular whim and caprice; not by conferring benefits upon the few at the expense of the many; but by a quick observation of the fact that the withdrawal of certain rightful privilege by another nation from American settlers had caused them distress, and by a prompt determination to relieve their distress, even if the unwelcome visage of war frowned in opposition.

Another incident which, it seems to me, we may recall to-day with profit and satisfaction, grew out of the conduct of the President when the treaty of 1803 had been formulated and was returned to him for ratification and final completion. He was, as is well known, originally quite firm in his belief that the Const.i.tution as it stood did not authorize such an extension of our limits by purchase as the treaty for the acquisition of the Louisiana Territory contemplated. Holding this opinion, and at the same time confronted with the clear conviction that the treaty, with all its stupendous advantages, could not be allowed to fail without positive peril, if not to our national life, at least to its most vital object and aspirations, his perplexity was increased by the receipt of an authoritative intimation that any delay in final action on the treaty might open the way to a recession on the part of France. In these circ.u.mstances, not daring to risk the delay of an amendment to the Const.i.tution prior to such final action, he proposed reconciling consistency with duty by procuring confirmation of the treaty by the Senate and compa.s.sing its unquestionable validation by a subsequent const.i.tutional amendment.

In view of the conclusive statement, since that time of this const.i.tutional question by every branch of the Government against Mr. Jefferson's original opinion and in favor of the nation's power to acquire territory, as was done under the treaty of 1803, and considering the fact that we have since that time immensely increased our area by the acquisition, not only of neighboring territory, but of distant islands of the sea, separated by thousands of miles from our home domain, we may be inclined to think lightly of President Jefferson's scruples concerning the acquisition of lands, not only next adjacent to us, but indisputably necessary to our peace and development.

There were wise men near our President in 1803 who differed with him touching the nation's power to acquire new territory under the original provisions of the Const.i.tution; and these men did not fail to make known their dissent. Moreover, in the Senate, to which the treaty was submitted for confirmation, there was an able discussion of its const.i.tutional validity and effectiveness. The judgment of that body on this phase of the subject was emphatically declared, when out of 31 votes 24 were cast in favor of confirmation. An amendment to the Const.i.tution was afterwards presented to Congress, but its first appearance was its last. It does not appear that the President interested himself in its fate, and it died at the moment of introduction.

While in this day and generation we may wonder at the doubts which so perplexed Jefferson in 1803 and at his estimate of the limitation of our fundamental law, and may be startled when we reflect that if they had been allowed to control his action we might have lost the greatest national opportunity which has been presented to our people since the adoption of the Const.i.tution, we can not fail at the same time to be profoundly grateful that these doubts and this estimate were those of a man sincere enough and patriotic enough to listen to wise and able counselors and to give his country the benefit of his admission of the fallibility of his judgment.

Thomas Jefferson never furnished better evidence of his greatness than when, just before the submission of the treaty to the Senate, he wrote to a distinguished Senator who differed with him on this question: "I confess that I think it important in the present case to set an example against broad construction by appealing for new power to the people. If, however, our friends shall think differently, certainly I shall acquiesce with satisfaction, confiding that the good sense of our country will correct the evil of construction when it shall produce ill effects."

A recent writer on American diplomacy, who is not suspected of partiality for Jeffersonian political doctrine, gave in strong and graceful terms a good reason for our grat.i.tude to-day, when, in referring to this subject, he wrote: "It was fortunate for the future of America that we had at the head of affairs a man of such broad views of our country's future. A less able President, with the same views as entertained by Jefferson as to the const.i.tutionality of the measure would have put aside the opportunity. Jefferson put aside his preconceived views as to the fundamental law; or subordinated them to the will of the nation and welcomed the opportunity to open up the continent to the expansion of American democracy and free inst.i.tutions."

We are glad at this hour that Jefferson was wrong in his adverse construction of the Const.i.tution and glad that he was liberal minded enough to see that he might be wrong. And yet may we not profitably pause here long enough to contrast in our thoughts the careful and reverent manner in which the restrictions of our fundamental law were scrutinized a hundred years ago with the tendency often seen in later times to flippantly attempt the adjustment of our Const.i.tution to the purposes of interest and convenience?

In conclusion, I hope I may be permitted to suggest that our thoughts and surroundings on this occasion should lead us to humble recognition of the providence of G.o.d in all that has made us a great nation. From our beginning as a people our course has been marked by concurrences and incidents so striking, so significant and so constant, that only superst.i.tious dullness or intellectual blindness will place them to the credit of luck or chance.

In the midst of our rejoicing to-day it is peculiarly fitting that we recall with soberness and meekness some of the happiness in connection with the great event we celebrate, which impressively ill.u.s.trate the interposition of Divine Providence in our behalf. We sought from a nation ruled by one whose ambition was boundless and whose scheme for aggrandizement knew neither the obligations of public morality nor the restraints of good faith, the free navigation of the Mississippi River, and such insignificant territory as would make such navigation useful. While our efforts toward the accomplishment of this slight result languished and were fast a.s.suming a hopeless condition, the autocrat of France suddenly commanded one of his ministers to enter into negotiations with our waiting and dispirited representatives and exclaimed: "I renounce Louisiana.

It is not only New Orleans I cede. It is the whole colony without reserve."

It was only nineteen days thereafter that the treaty transferring to us the magnificent domain comprised within the Louisiana Purchase was concluded.

This astonis.h.i.+ng change in our prospects, which dissipated the fears and apprehensions of our Government and revived the promise of our perpetuity and happy destiny, came at the very moment that Bonaparte was organizing a force to occupy the Louisiana Territory in the prosecution of colonial occupation and development, which, if consummated, would probably have closed the door even to the slight acquisition which we originally sought. The French colony of Santo Domingo was, however, a prime factor in this scheme of occupation, and it was essential to its success that this colony and Louisiana should both be included and should supplement each other. A serious revolt then raging in Santo Domingo delaying proceedings, the occupation of Louisiana was postponed until this revolt should be overcome. The troops sent from France to accomplish this apparently easy task were so stubbornly resisted by hundreds of thousands of freed blacks fighting against their reenslavement, and they suffered so terribly from climatic conditions and deadly fever, that after the sacrifice of 25,000 soldiers, many of whom were intended for the subsequent occupation of Louisiana, Bonaparte's plan for the occupation of both colonies miscarried. The disappointment and the conception of new schemes of war and conquest by the restless dictator of France, and his need of money to carry out these schemes, were controlling circ.u.mstances in leading him to throw in our lap the entire Louisiana Territory. None of these circ.u.mstances were within our procurement or knowledge; but who shall say that G.o.d was not accomplis.h.i.+ng His designs in our behalf amid the turmoil and distressing scenes of Santo Domingo's revolt? And how can it be said that there was no Providence in the unexpected unyielding and successful fight for continued freedom on the part of the negroes of Santo Domingo, or in the fatal pestilence that vied with b.l.o.o.d.y warfare in the destruction of the army of subjugation, or in the fever of war and aggression which heated the blood of Bonaparte, all combining to turn him away from the occupation of the Louisiana Territory? All these things, so remote and so far out of sight, pointed with the coercion that belongs to the decrees of G.o.d to a consummation which restored to our people peace and contentment, and secured to our nation extension and development beyond the dreams of our fathers.

Thus we may well recall in these surroundings the wonderful measure of prophecy's fulfillment within the span of a short century, the spirit, the patriotism, and the civic virtue of Americans who lived a hundred years ago, and G.o.d's overruling of the wrath of man and His devious ways for the blessing of our nation.

We are all proud of our American citizens.h.i.+p. Let us leave this place with this feeling stimulated by the sentiments born of the occasion. Let us appreciate more keenly than ever how vitally necessary it is to our country's weal that everyone within its citizens.h.i.+p should be clean minded in political aim and aspiration, sincere and honest in his conception of our country's mission, and aroused to higher and more responsive patriotism by the reflection that it is a solemn thing to belong to a people favored of G.o.d.

Eighth. "America," with full chorus and band accompaniment.

Ninth. Prayer by Bishop E.R. Hendrix:

Almighty G.o.d, our Heavenly Father, we devoutly thank and wors.h.i.+p Thee, the Author of our being, and the gracious source of all our blessings. We are because Thou art; and Thou hast made us in Thy image capable of fellows.h.i.+p with Thee and delighting in a fellows.h.i.+p with one another as we resemble Thee. Thou hast given us our reason and the power of cooperation with one another in all worthy ends looking to the well-being of our race.

Civilization with its conquests over the material world is possible only with Thy aid. Christianity with its conquests over evil is the work of G.o.d and man, as Thou dost call us to be Thy fellow-workers and dost inspire us with courage and faith.

This wonderful achievement of human effort and skill which we dedicate this day is possible only by Thy help and as we have imitated Thy example. Thou art the great Architect and Builder.

Thou art the great Mathematician and Engineer. Thou art the great Chemist and Electrician. Thou art the great Thinker and Artist. Our works are but pale and feeble copies of Thine, and are possible only because Thou workest until now and dost bless our works. The uniformity of Thy laws bids us work in confidence, and the unity of nature bids us work intelligently, because we work with Thee. We praise Thee for thy growing confidence in man, as Thou dost place in his hand the keys of every laboratory and dost trust him with the secrets of nature that have been hid from the foundation of the world. Again Thou dost give man dominion, whether in science, or art, or government, nor wilt Thou remove his scepter if he wield it for the betterment of his kind and for Thy glory. As the high priest and interpreter of nature may he prove worthy of his great trust.

We thank Thee for this great exposition, whose stately and n.o.ble exterior gives promise of being the home of a mighty spirit of worldwide fellows.h.i.+p of the nations. It is not only another milestone of progress, it is a timekeeper of civilization. We thank Thee for the pioneers and the prophets, the statesmen and the patriots who secured for us this great inheritance, and for their sons who have cultivated and developed it. Help us that we may realize the high ideals of our fathers who sought to establish and maintain good and righteous government, and to reap the harvests of patient industry. May no evil occurrence mar the happiness and good will which we invoke for the council of nations which shall here be held. May the commerce of ideas no less than of products be borne by favoring tides around the globe. To this end we implore Thy blessings upon the rulers of the nations of the earth which may be presented here. Grant peace in our time, O Lord, and may the victories of peace abound.

And now, O Lord, our G.o.d, we dedicate to Thee and to the welfare of our common humanity these buildings and grounds which Thy providence has made possible. Bless with Thy presence and favor this great festival of the nations that it may help to make stronger the bonds of human brotherhood in all the world. And all this we ask in the name of Christ, our Lord. Amen.

Tenth. Benediction by Right Rev. Henry C. Potter:

May the blessing of the Lord G.o.d Almighty, without whom all our labor is but vain, rest upon this work, and all who are or shall be engaged in it.

May He take these buildings under His gracious keeping and crown this great undertaking with His enduring favor, making it the school of truth and beauty and so a revelation of His infinite mind working and through the mind of man. And to Him be glory and honor and power now and always.

The Lord bless us and keep us; the Lord make His face to s.h.i.+ne upon us and be gracious unto us; the Lord lift up the light of His countenance upon us and give to us and to all the people of this land peace, purity, and prosperity, both now and forevermore. Amen.

Eleventh. Centennial salute of 100 guns.

At 8 o'clock p. m. a grand pyrotechnic display took place on the open grounds south of the Administration Building.

PROGRAMME

DIPLOMATIC DAY, MAY 1, 1902.

At 10.30 a. m. the members of the Diplomatic Corps, the representatives of the foreign governments to the exposition, and other official guests a.s.sembled at the St. Louis Club, and they were then conducted by military escort to the Liberal Arts Building.

At 12 o'clock m. the a.s.sembly was called to order by Mr. Corwin H.

Spencer, chairman of the committee on ceremonies of the Exposition Company, and the following programme was carried out:

First. Invocation by Rev. Carl Swenson:

Great G.o.d, the G.o.d of our fathers and of their children, accept our heartfelt wors.h.i.+p and grat.i.tude. We bless Thy holy name for that wonderful providence of bountiful love and inspiring benevolence by which Thou hast made us a great and mighty nation out of an insignificant, struggling, and sorrow-laden beginning.

We render willing and adoring wors.h.i.+p to Thee for that divine guidance and wisdom so admirably exhibited in the wide-visioned policy in the nation's most inspired leaders a hundred years ago, and to-day the policy which in one brief century has created an empire of a dozen magnificent Commonwealths of an unknown expanse of uninhabited wilderness and desert.

Vouchsafe ever to us as a people leaders of prophetic understanding, who in an uncertain present fathom the true inwardness of conditions pregnated with the greatest possibilities for a future of ever increasing proportions and realizations.

We thank Thee for the wealth of hope and promise implied in the dedication and completion of this unparalleled congress of peace, good will, and universal fraternity, made possible not only by the enterprise, patriotism, and grat.i.tude of this splendid Commonwealth and our own entire people, but also by the responsive, generous, and helpful cooperation of the nations of the whole world.