A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort in Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean Part 13

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[Sidenote: 23d.]

[Sidenote: 26th.]

[Sidenote: 1771. March.]

On the twenty-third, the weather became fine and moderate, so we once more pursued our way, and the next day, as well as on the twenty-sixth, saw several more tents of Northern Indians, who were employed in the same manner as those we had formerly met; but some of them having had bad success, and being relations or acquaintances of part of my crew, joined our company, and proceeded with us to the Westward. Though the deer did not then keep regular paths, so as to enable the Indians to catch them in pounds, yet they were to be met {87} with in great abundance in scattered herds; so that my companions killed as many as they pleased with their guns.

[Sidenote: April. 8th.]

We still continued our course to the West and West by South, and on the eighth of April, arrived at a small Lake, called Thelewey-aza-yeth;[55]

but with what propriety it is so called I cannot discover, for the meaning of Thelewey-aza-yeth is Little Fish Hill: probably so called from a high hill which stands on a long point near the West end of the Lake. On an island in this Lake we pitched our tents, and the Indians finding deer very numerous, determined to stay here some time, in order to dry and pound meat to take with us; for they well knew, by the season of the year, that the deer were then drawing out to the barren ground, and as the Indians proposed to walk due North on our leaving the Lake, it was uncertain when we should again meet with any more. As several Indians had during the Winter joined our party, our number had now increased to seven tents, which in the whole contained not less than seventy persons.

[Sidenote: 1771. April.]

Agreeably to the Indians' proposals we remained at Thelewey-aza-yeth ten days; during which time my companions were busily employed (at their intervals from hunting) in preparing small staves of birch-wood, about one and a quarter inch square, and seven or eight feet long. These serve as tent-poles all the Summer, {88} while on the barren ground; and as the fall advances, are converted into snowshoe frames for Winter use.

Birchrind, together with timbers and other wood-work for building canoes, were also another object of the Indian's attention while at this place; but as the canoes were not to be set up till our arrival at Clowey, (which was many miles distant,) all the wood-work was reduced to its proper size, for the sake of making it light for carriage.

As to myself, I had little to do, except to make a few observations for determining the lat.i.tude, bringing up my journal, and filling up my chart to the present time. I found the lat.i.tude of this place 61 30'

North, and its longitude, by my account, 19 West of Prince of Wales's Fort.

[Sidenote: 18th.]

[Sidenote: 1771. April.]

[Sidenote: 1771. April.]

Having a good stock of dried provisions, and most of the necessary work for canoes all ready, on the eighteenth we moved about nine or ten miles to the North North West, and then came to a tent of Northern Indians who were tenting on the North side of Thelewey-aza River. From these Indians Matonabbee purchased another wife; so that he had now no less than seven, most of whom would for size have made good grenadiers. He prided himself much in the height and strength of his wives, and would frequently say, few women would carry or haul heavier loads; and though they had, in general, a very masculine appearance, yet he preferred them to those of a {89} more delicate form and moderate stature. In a country like this, where a partner in excessive hard labour is the chief motive for the union, and the softer endearments of a conjugal life are only considered as a secondary object, there seems to be great propriety in such a choice; but if all the men were of this way of thinking, what would become of the greater part of the women, who in general are but of low stature, and many of them of a most delicate make, though not of the exactest proportion, or most beautiful mould? Take them in a body, the women are as dest.i.tute of real beauty as any nation I ever saw, though there are some few of them, when young, who are tolerable; but the care of a family, added to their constant hard labour, soon make the most beautiful among them look old and wrinkled, even before they are thirty; and several of the more ordinary ones at that age are perfect antidotes to love and gallantry. This, however, does not render them less dear and valuable to their owners, which is a lucky circ.u.mstance for those women, and a certain proof that there is no such thing as any rule or standard for beauty. Ask a Northern Indian, what is beauty? he will answer, a broad flat face, small eyes, high cheek-bones, three or four broad black lines across each cheek, a low forehead, a large broad chin, a clumsy hook-nose, a tawny hide, and b.r.e.a.s.t.s hanging down to the belt. Those beauties are greatly heightened, or at least rendered more valuable, when the possessor is capable of dressing all kinds of skins, converting them into the different parts {90} of their clothing, and able to carry eight or ten[AA] stone in Summer, or haul a much greater weight in Winter. These, and other similar accomplishments, are all that are sought after, or expected, of a Northern Indian woman. As to their temper, it is of little consequence; for the men have a wonderful facility in making the most stubborn comply with as much alacrity as could possibly be expected from those of the mildest and most obliging turn of mind; so that the only real difference is, the one obeys through fear, and the other complies cheerfully from a willing mind; both knowing that what is commanded must be done. They are, in fact, all kept at a great distance, and the rank they hold in the opinion of the men cannot be better expressed or explained, than by observing the method of treating or serving them at meals, which would appear very humiliating, to an European woman, though custom makes it sit light on those whose lot it is to bear it. It is necessary to observe, that when the men kill any large beast, the women are always sent to bring it to the tent: when it is brought there, every operation it undergoes, such as splitting, drying, pounding, &c. is performed by the women. When any thing is to be prepared for eating, it is the women who cook it; and when it is done, the wives and daughters of the greatest Captains in the country are never served, till all the males, even those who are in the capacity of servants, have eaten what they think proper; {91} and in times of scarcity it is frequently their lot to be left without a single morsel.

It is, however, natural to think they take the liberty of helping themselves in secret; but this must be done with great prudence, as capital embezzlements of provisions in such times are looked on as affairs of real consequence, and frequently subject them to a very severe beating. If they are practised by a woman whose youth and inattention to domestic concerns cannot plead in her favour, they will for ever be a blot in her character, and few men will chuse to have her for a wife.

[Sidenote: 20th.]

Finding plenty of good birch growing by the side of Theley-aza River, we remained there for a few days, in order to complete all the wood-work for the canoes, as well as for every other use for which we could possibly want it on the barren ground, during our Summer's cruise. On the twentieth, Matonabbee sent one of his brothers, and some others, a-head, with birch-rind and wood-work for a canoe, and gave them orders to proceed to a small Lake near the barren ground called Clowey, where they were desired to make all possible haste in building the canoe, that it might be ready on our arrival.

[Sidenote: 1771. April.]

Having finished such wood-work as the Indians thought would be necessary, and having augmented our stock of dried meat and fat, the twenty-first was appointed for moving; but one of the women having been taken in labour, and it being rather an extraordinary case, we {92} were detained more than two days. The instant, however, the poor woman was delivered, which was not until she had suffered all the pains usually felt on those occasions for near fifty-two hours, the signal was made for moving when the poor creature took her infant on her back and set out with the rest of the company; and though another person had the humanity to haul her sledge for her, (for one day only,) she was obliged to carry a considerable load beside her little charge, and was frequently obliged to wade knee-deep in water and wet snow. Her very looks, exclusive of her moans, were a sufficient proof of the great pain she endured, insomuch that although she was a person I greatly disliked, her distress at this time so overcame my prejudice, that I never felt more for any of her s.e.x in my life; indeed her sighs pierced me to the soul, and rendered me very miserable, as it was not in my power to relieve her.

When a Northern Indian woman is taken in labour, a small tent is erected for her, at such a distance from the other tents that her cries cannot easily be heard, and the other women and young girls are her constant visitants: no male, except children in arms, ever offers to approach her. It is a circ.u.mstance perhaps to be lamented, that these people never attempt to a.s.sist each other on those occasions, even in the most critical cases. This is in some measure owing to delicacy, but more probably to an opinion they entertain that nature is {93} abundantly sufficient to perform every thing required, without any external help whatever. When I informed them of the a.s.sistance which European women derive from the skill and attention of our midwives, they treated it with the utmost contempt; ironically observing, "that the many hump-backs, bandy-legs, and other deformities, so frequent among the English, were undoubtedly owing to the great skill of the persons who a.s.sisted in bringing them into the world, and to the extraordinary care of their nurses afterward."

[Sidenote: 1771. April.]

A Northern Indian woman after child-birth is reckoned unclean for a month or five weeks; during which time she always remains in a small tent placed at a little distance from the others, with only a female acquaintance or two; and during the whole time the father never sees the child. Their reason for this practice is, that children when first born are sometimes not very sightly, having in general large heads, and but little hair, and are, moreover, often discoloured by the force of the labour; so that were the father to see them to such great disadvantage, he might probably take a dislike to them, which never afterward could be removed.

The names of the children are always given to them by the parents, or some person near of kin. Those of the boys are various, and generally derived from some place, season, or animal; the names of the girls are chiefly {94} taken from some part or property of a Martin; such as, the White Martin, the Black Martin, the Summer Martin, the Martin's Head, the Martin's Foot, the Martin's Heart, the Martin's Tail, &c.[AB]

[Sidenote: 23d.]

[Sidenote: May. 3d.]

On the twenty-third, as I hinted above, we began to move forward, and to shape our course nearly North; but the weather was in general so hot, and so much snow had, in consequence, been melted, as made it bad walking in snow-shoes, and such exceeding heavy hauling, that it was the third of May before we could arrive at Clowey,[56] though the distance was not above eighty-five miles from Thelewey-aza-yeth. In our way we crossed part of two small Lakes, called t.i.ttameg Lake and Scartack Lake; neither of which are of any note, though both abound with fine fish.

FOOTNOTES:

[Z] Mr. Norton was an Indian;[45] he was born at Prince of Wales's Fort, but had been in England nine years, and considering the small sum which was expended in his education, had made some progress in literature. At his return to Hudson's Bay he entered into all the abominable vices of his countrymen. He kept for his own use five or six of the finest Indian girls which he could select; and notwithstanding his own uncommon propensity to the fair s.e.x, took every means in his power to prevent any European from having intercourse with the women of the country; for which purpose he proceeded to the most ridiculous length. To his own friends and country he was so partial, that he set more value on, and shewed more respect to one of their favourite dogs, than he ever did to his first officer. Among his miserable and ignorant countrymen he pa.s.sed for a proficient in physic, and always kept a box of poison, to administer to those who refused him their wives or daughters.

With all these bad qualities, no man took more pains to inculcate virtue, morality, and continence on others; always painting, in the most odious colours, the jealous and revengeful disposition of the Indians, when any attempt was made to violate the chast.i.ty of their wives or daughters. Lectures of this kind from a man of established virtue might have had some effect; but when they came from one who was known to live in open defiance of every law, human and divine, they were always heard with indignation, and considered as the hypocritical cant of a selfish debauchee, who wished to engross every woman in the country to himself.

His apartments were not only convenient but elegant, and always crowded with favourite Indians: at night he locked the doors, and put the keys under his pillow; so that in the morning his dining-room was generally, for the want of necessary conveniences, worse than a hog-stye. As he advanced in years his jealousy increased, and he actually poisoned two of his women because he thought them partial to other objects more suitable to their ages. He was a most notorious smuggler; but though he put many thousands into the pockets of the Captains, he seldom put a s.h.i.+lling into his own.

An inflammation in his bowels occasioned his death on the 29th of December 1773; and though he died in the most excruciating pain, he retained his jealousy to the last; for a few minutes before he expired, happening to see an officer laying hold of the hand of one of his women who was standing by the fire, he bellowed out, in as loud a voice as his situation would admit, "G.o.d d----n you for a b----h, if I live I'll knock out your brains." A few minutes after making this elegant apostrophe, he expired in the greatest agonies that can possibly be conceived.

This I declare to be the real character and manner of life of the late Mr. Moses Norton.

[45] He was a son of Richard Norton, an Englishman, and a former Governor of Fort Prince of Wales, by an Indian woman. He was undoubtedly a man of forceful character, and was able to retain the confidence of the directors of the Company in London, but whether he was the moral degenerate described by Hearne is uncertain.

[46] _Populus tremuloides_ (Michx.).

[47] The name by which the Chipewyan Indians of Fort Churchill know this lake is Nueltin (meaning Frozen-Island) Lake, which name seems to have been corrupted on Mackenzie's map into "North Lined Lake." On the Cook map it is marked Menishtick Lake, which is simply the Cree name for Island Lake. There is no record of any one having visited Island Lake since Hearne's time, but in 1894, while on the way to the Kazan River, I explored two of the upper branches of the Thlewiaza River, which flows into the lake, and was told by the Indians that the distance north-eastward down the river to this lake was not very great. This information, if correct, would place the lake rather farther south than it is placed by Hearne.

[48] _Lepus america.n.u.s_ (Erxleben).

[49] Between Island Lake and the Cathawhachaga River, the map indicates that he crossed Fatt Lake, which is probably the lake now known to the Indians of Reindeer Lake as Twal-kai-tua or Fat-fish Lake, and said by them to lie east of Kasba Lake, though its exact position has not been determined. On the Pennant and Mackenzie maps it is called Wiethen Lake.

[50] The Cathawhachaga or Kazan River would appear to have been crossed about five miles below where it leaves Kasba Lake, as it is here about a quarter of a mile wide, while between this place and the lake it is for the most part a swift stream varying from one to three hundred yards in width. His crossing-place would therefore be in lat.i.tude 60 37' N., while his own lat.i.tude for the crossing-place, as given on his map, is 61 32' N., which would be far out on the barren lands, beyond the northern limit of the woods. Thus, almost as soon as he left the track followed by him on his former journey, his surveys become very inaccurate. This is so much at variance with the approximate accuracy of his surveys on his second journey, that either the Elton quadrant carried by him was quite useless, or else he did not make use of it at all.

[51] Cossed Whoie, spelt Ca.s.sad on the Cook map, and Ca.s.sed on the Pennant map. This lake lies at the source of the Kazan River, and is now known as Kasba Lake. He crossed it north of the point where the Kazan River flows from its eastern side. My survey of the lake, made in 1894, did not extend north of its outlet, but, judging from what I could see of it, and from the information obtainable from the Chipewyan Indians of the vicinity, the width here given for the lake is much too great.

[52] The-whole-kyed (Whoie) or s...o...b..rd Lake, known to the Indians of Lake Athabasca as Thel-wel-ky Lake. The course from Kasba Lake is given in the text as W. by S. and W.S.W., and the time occupied in travelling it as thirteen days, while on Hearne's map the course is shown as westward and the distance twenty miles.

[53] The name Whooldyah'd Lake had been applied to the lake at the source of Dubawnt River, which I explored in the summer of 1893. The lake was known to the Indians of the vicinity as Pelican Lake, and they a.s.sured me that there was no lake on the river of the name of Whooldyah'd or Pike Lake. The identification of this lake with the one crossed by Hearne is reasonably, but not perfectly, certain.

[54] It had taken him thirteen days to travel from Wholdiah Lake to this camp, and, a.s.suming a rate of four miles a day, he was fifty-two miles west of that lake. As his course was about westerly, his position would be in lat.i.tude 60 20' north and longitude 11 30' west of Churchill.

[55] The exact position of this lake (Thelewey-aza-yeth) has not yet been determined. In the text it is given in lat.i.tude 61 30' north, longitude 19 west of Prince of Wales Fort, while on the map it is placed in lat.i.tude 61 15' and 19 30' west of Prince of Wales Fort, or one hundred and fifty miles west of Wholdiah Lake. The direction travelled from the crossing of Wholdiah Lake is shown as a little south of west, and as the south end of the latter lake is in lat.i.tude 60 20', it is reasonable to suppose that Thelewey-aza-yeth Lake is at least a degree farther south than it is shown on the map, and, judging from the known approximate position of Hill Island Lake, which he crossed on his way back from the Coppermine, it is much farther east than the position a.s.signed to it on the map.

[AA] The stone here meant is fourteen pounds.

[AB] Matonabbee had eight wives, and they were all called Martins.

[56] Lake Clowey is marked on the map as discharging by a stream into Great Slave Lake, but its exact position is not known. On the map it is placed in lat.i.tude 62 50', which is probably not very far from its correct position. From the description here given, it would appear to be near the divide between the watershed of Great Slave Lake and Thelon River. L'Abbe Pet.i.tot in _Geographie de L'Athabaskaw-Mackenzie_ identifies the Clowey River, which flows from this lake into Great Slave Lake, with the T'ezus-desse or Poudrerie (Snowdrift) River, which flows into Christie Bay of Great Slave Lake.

{95} CHAP. V.

Transactions at Clowey, and on our Journey, till our Arrival at the Copper-mine River.

A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort in Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean Part 13

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