The Wonderful Story of Washington Part 6

[Ill.u.s.tration: Was.h.i.+ngton Surrendering His Commission.]

In the New England colonies, the people were far more fierce in their resentment toward the requirement that they must buy stamps to make legal almost every transaction. This method of getting money for the British government was so offensive to Boston that a publicly encouraged mob hanged the stamp distributor in effigy, the windows of his house were broken, and the building to be used as his office was broken to pieces, and the fragments burned in the streets. The officers of the town, trying to disperse the crowd, were driven away with stones. The next morning the stamp distributor renounced his office in the public square and no one could be found willing to take his place.

Down in Virginia, the stamp distributor did not try to fulfill his office, but came on to Williamsburg and amidst much applause publicly denounced the Stamp Act and vacated the office.

On the first of November, 1765, when the act was to become law and go into operation, there was tolling of bells throughout New England.

s.h.i.+ps in the harbors displayed their flags at half-mast. Shops were shut, business was suspended, and every form of defiance they could invent was displayed all day and that night.

At New York, the poster announcing the law was stuck on a pole, under a death's head, from which floated a banner bearing the inscription, "The folly of England and ruin of America." The lieutenant-governor with all his official household went into the fort and surrounded himself with marines from a s.h.i.+p of war. Then the mob went to his stables, brought out his carriage, put his effigy into it, dragged it up and down the street till they were tired, and then hung his effigy on a gallows. That evening they took the effigy down, put it again into the carriage, this time by the side of an image of the devil, had a howling torch-light procession to Bowling Green, and there, under the guns of the fort, burned the carriage with the effigies in it. So bitter and so general was the disapproval that no one attempted to enforce the law.

CHAPTER IX

SOWING THE WIND AND REAPING THE WHIRLWIND

I. MOUNT VERNON AT FIRST IN A ZONE OF CALM

In all this storm, Was.h.i.+ngton remained engrossed in his extensive business affairs. It can not be inferred that this meant any indifference on his part. It must be remembered that by nature he was of a retiring disposition and never put himself forward as a leader in any agitation. He was one who believed in regularity and discipline.

He could not destroy except as a process of building. His fighting spirit was always in accomplis.h.i.+ng a definite design for foreseen ends. It is thus always seen that the man who is an agitator and a leader of agitation, however heroic and n.o.ble he may be in the cause of right, is never the calm, judicial mind necessary to construct material and form forces into a const.i.tutional government. The mind of man seems first to require a forerunner. There was the determined, uncompromising John the Baptist for the gentle and peace-loving Christ, and there were numerous colonial Patrick Henrys for Was.h.i.+ngton, even as there were Lovejoys, Garrisons and John Browns for Lincoln. Thus it appears, without irreverence, that agitation is as essential to education as legislation is to government.

Was.h.i.+ngton's large interests in trade with England, and his many Old-England friends and connections, would have turned any man, who would serve his own personal profit, into partisans.h.i.+p for Great Britain. There is no doubt that the inducements to favor the mother country were large, and the promise of loss for doing otherwise was very heavy and convincing. But he had seen much of English arrogance and tyranny. He had also seen much of American freedom and human rights. There was probably never any debate in his mind as to which meant the most to him in personal duty or as an American. He had a deeper view of humanity than business interests. But his hour had not yet struck. The time had not yet come when the colonies needed Was.h.i.+ngton.

Something of great significance took place in 1766. Benjamin Franklin was called before the House of Commons and questioned concerning the Stamp Act.

"What," they asked him, according to the Parliamentary Register of that year, "was the temper of America towards Great Britain, before the year 1763?"

"The best in the world," was his reply. "They submitted willingly to the government of the crown, and paid, in their courts, obedience to the acts of Parliament. They were governed at the expense of only a little pen, ink and paper. They were led by a thread. They had not only respect, but an affection for Great Britain, for its laws, its customs, and manners, and even a fondness for its fas.h.i.+ons, that greatly increased the commerce. Natives of Great Britain were always treated with particular regard; to be an Old-England man was, of itself, a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us."

"And what is that temper now?"

"Oh! it is very much altered."

"If the act is not repealed, what do you think will be the consequences?"

"A total loss of the respect and affection the people of America bear to this country, and of all the commerce that depends upon that respect and affection."

"Do you think the people of America would submit to pay the stamp duty if it was moderated?"

"No, never," Franklin replied, "unless compelled by force of arms."

II. GIVING THE APPEARANCE AND KEEPING THE SUBSTANCE

On March 18, 1766, the obnoxious Stamp Act was repealed, but the repeal contained a clause that took all the merit out of the repeal, by maintaining the principle that the King, with the consent of Parliament, had the authority and power to "bind the colonies, and the people of America, in all cases whatsoever."

If the colonies consented to this repeal with its clause, they would be affirming the very thing they were opposing in the Stamp Act. Such "sharp practice" could not win. It was not the stamps they were opposing alone, nor the imposing of taxes. They repudiated the idea and the motive of the right to tax them without their consent, one of the ways of which was to make them buy stamps to legalize any of their business transactions. This explicitly proves that the Revolutionary War was not "an economic war," as some theorists endeavor to prove, but a war of principle, liberty and justice, as it claimed to be.

The King was now a.s.serting a right over the colonies which he did not have anywhere in his own country. This was his will, his "divine right," as it were. If he tried to establish and enforce that will and the colonies endeavored to establish and enforce their will against that will, then it would be, as had so often happened before in English history, a war of the King against the People. So it is often described in history as "the King's war" against the colonies. To such an extent did the people refuse to fight it that the Hanoverian King had to hire Hessian mercenaries.

We have long since learned that it was not the people of England against the people of America, but the war of a foreign-minded King to retain a personal mastery over a branch of the English people, a right lost forever among English-speaking people through the successful revolt of the American Colonies in the name of American liberty.

The King through Parliament hastened to verify his right to tax the Colonies by various taxes against single articles. This was especially resented at Boston where the taxes were most oppressive. The General Court of Ma.s.sachusetts became a hot-bed of agitation against those taxes. The excitement of every day increased. Violent collisions were of frequent occurrence between the authorities and the people. At last, it became public that two regiments were held at Halifax ready to be sent to Boston to quell the remonstrances there. The colonists looked upon these signs of coercion as nothing less than despotism.

The two regiments soon arrived with seven war vessels. The commander reported that he was sure these "spirited measures" would soon quell all disturbances and restore order.

But the colonists now had a greater grievance. They held town meetings and resolved that the King had no right to send troops into the colonies without their consent. They claimed that the charters of all the colonies were now broken by this act of the King in sending troops into their midst without their consent. It was many times worse than taxation without representation. It was a violation of their allegiance to Great Britain.

The Boston selectmen refused to have anything to do with the soldiers.

The council would not recognize that they had any rights in the town.

Accordingly, the commander quartered them in the State-House and in Faneuil Hall. The public was enraged at the cannon planted around these buildings and against the sentinels that challenged the rights of free citizens to come and go. Besides, their religious ideas were equally outraged by the fife and drum on Sunday, with the oaths and loud commands of officers, where heretofore all had been peace and quiet.

Virginia was far away from these stirring scenes and news went slowly.

However, Was.h.i.+ngton recognized the grave significance of it all. A letter written April 5, 1769, by him to his friend George Mason, shows what he thought.

"At a time," he wrote, "when our lordly masters in Great Britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of American freedom, it seems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our ancestors."

He continued by discussing what was the best way to do this necessary thing. He advised that the use of arms should be the last resource and resort. His moral view is expressed farther on in the letter where he says, as he discusses the effect on the colonists in the war cutting off their trade, "There will be a difficulty attending it everywhere from clas.h.i.+ng interests, and selfish, designing men, ever attentive to their own gain, and watchful of every turn that can a.s.sist their lucrative views."

This shows us that very far from all of the revolutionary people could be called heroes of principle and ent.i.tled to be regarded as the founders of American freedom. Democracy had the usual percentage of sordid parasites, as well as its many n.o.ble martyrs and heroic champions.

Still farther on in the same letter, he says, "I can see but one cla.s.s of people, the merchants excepted, who will not, or ought not, to wish well to the scheme,--namely, they who live genteely and hospitably on clear estates. Such as these, were they not to consider the valuable object in view, and the good of others, might think it hard to be curtailed in their living and enjoyments."

Now it must be taken into consideration that Was.h.i.+ngton not only belonged to the genteel freeholders to which he refers, but he was also one of the largest merchants who would lose heavily in any stoppage of trade with Great Britain. But we have clearly seen through all his military and public service, that principle, and not gain or comfort, was the vital motive of his conduct and his life.

III. "SOFT WORDS b.u.t.tER NO PARSNIPS"

For several reasons, the Southern colonies fared much better than the Northern colonies, and were, therefore, not stirred to such feelings of violent opposition. The spirit of the Puritans, their severe economy, rigid form of piety, and their hatred of Kings, animated the Northern people in private and in public. Their ancestors had been refugees from the tyranny of English Kings, and there was not that respect for England which would cause them to be patient under bad treatment. Besides that, they had seen most of the arrogance and insolence of the English officers during the French and Indian wars, and had suffered longest from the presence of war. The officers of the King came to the Northern colonies with the idea that nothing would serve the purpose but severity and coertion. On the contrary, the people of the Southern colonies were believed at the King's court to be vain and luxurious. They were represented as being easily pleased by showy parade. Accordingly, a court favorite, Lord Botetourt, was chosen to win the admiration of Virginia. The descendants of the Puritans were to be overawed into subjection by military force, the Cavaliers of Virginia were to be overawed into compliance by aristocratic splendor.

Lord Botetourt was supplied with a dazzling equipment. He arrived in Virginia with glittering pomp and circ.u.mstance. On the opening of the Virginia legislature, he arranged a brilliant procession, in which he was conspicuous in gorgeous uniform, riding in a state-coach drawn by six milk-white horses. He opened the session of the Virginia legislature as if it were a royal parliament and he were the King.

Then the ostentatious parade returned him to the governor's mansion.

But to the amazement of Lord Botetourt, this grand display did not work. The House of Burgesses drafted some drastic demands to be sent to the British King. At noon of the day after these resolutions were pa.s.sed, the governor in dismay went in haste to the Capitol, and appeared before the a.s.sembly.

"Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the House of Burgesses," he cried, "I have heard of your resolves, and auger ill of their effects. You have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly."

But his brain-storm had only the effect to cause them to be called to order by their Speaker, Paton Randolph, in another house. Was.h.i.+ngton brought forward the draft of an a.s.sociation pledged not to buy anything from Great Britain on which there was a tax. This could not be enacted into a law, because they were no longer a legislative body, but, as a voluntary pledge, it was just as effective.

But, wonderful to relate, Lord Botetourt appeared to have a better ordered intelligence than most of the governors sent over from England. He saw at once the folly of his first ideas about the Southern colonies, and he set about at once to pacify them in more reasonable ways. He put away his royal show, actually addressed himself to the grievances of the people, became a strong opponent to the taxes, did what he could to have them repealed, and a.s.sured the Virginians that this would be speedily done. The people soon had full confidence in him, and the scenes of excitement so common in the Northern colonies were unknown in Virginia.

But there was one thing after another of repression and retaliation in the Northern colonies. Such was the opposition in the colonies and the unpopularity of it all among the ruling cla.s.ses in England, that the King's Manager, the Duke of Grafton, resigned and a favorite of the King, Lord North, took his place, as chief councillor in England. Now, the King gave up the fight for the taxes, but he still held to his right to tax the people as something that was none of their business.

The tax was taken off of everything except tea. This one tax was kept up, though a very light one, merely as the King said, "to maintain the parliamentary right of taxation." Even the duty was taken off of tea, so that it was sold in America ninepence cheaper a pound than it could be bought in England.

"Now," said the King, "if the colonists object to this, it proves that they are determined to rebel against our government."

He could not conceive of such a thing as a principle against which they were opposed, and many a mind since his has been as blind to principle and as full-eyed toward the question of profit and loss. It is this indescribable thing that usually divides people on public affairs. It likewise defends the Makers of America against the historical interpretation that their revolution was for any such sordid origins as "economic necessity."