Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson Volume III Part 59

LETTER CCx.x.x.--TO JAMES MADISON, April 6, 1798

TO JAMES MADISON.

Philadelphia, April 6, 1798.

Dear Sir,

So much of the communications from our Envoys has got abroad, and so partially, that there can now be no ground for reconsideration with the Senate. I may therefore, consistently with duty do what every member of the body is doing. Still, I would rather you would use the communication with reserve till you see the whole papers. The first impressions from them are very disagreeable and confused. Reflection, however, and a.n.a.lysis resolve them into this. Mr. Adams's speech to Congress in May is deemed such a national affront, that no explanation on other topics can be entered on till that, as a preliminary, is wiped away by humiliating disavowals or acknowledgments. This working hard with our Envoys, and indeed seeming impracticable for want of that sort of authority, submission to a heavy amercement (upwards of a million sterling) was, at an after meeting, suggested as an alternative, which might be admitted if proposed by us. These overtures had been through informal agents; and both the alternatives bringing the Envoys to their _ne plus_, they resolve to have no more communication through inofficial characters, but to address a letter directly to the government, to bring forward their pretensions. This letter had not yet, however, been prepared. There were interwoven with these overtures some base propositions on the part of Talleyrand, through one of his agents, to sell his interest and influence with the Directory towards soothing difficulties with them, in consideration of a large sum (fifty thousand pounds sterling); and the arguments to which his agent resorted to induce compliance with this demand were very unworthy of a great nation (could they be imputed to them), and calculated to excite disgust and indignation in Americans generally, and alienation in the republicans particularly, whom they so far mistake, as to presume an attachment to France and hatred to the federal party, and not the love of their country, to be their first pa.s.sion. No difficulty was expressed towards an adjustment of all differences and misunderstandings, or even ultimately a payment for spoliations, if the insult from our executive should be first wiped away. Observe, that I state all this from only a single hearing of the papers, and therefore it may not be rigorously correct. The little slanderous imputation before mentioned, has been the bait which hurried the opposite party into this publication. The first impressions with the people will be disagreeable, but the last and permanent one will be, that the speech in May is now the only obstacle to accommodation, and the real cause of war, if war takes place. And how much will be added to this by the speech of November, is yet to be learned. It is evident however, on reflection, that these papers do not offer one motive the more for our going to war. Yet such is their effect on the minds of wavering characters, that I fear, that, to wipe off the imputation of being French partisans, they will go over to the war measures so furiously pushed by the other party. It seems, indeed, as if they were afraid they should not be able to get into war till Great Britain shall be blown up, and the prudence of our countrymen from that circ.u.mstance, have, influence enough to prevent it. The most artful misrepresentations of the contents of these papers were published yesterday, and produced such a shock in the republican mind, as had never been seen since our independence. We are to dread the effects of this dismay till their fuller information. Adieu.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CCx.x.xI.--TO JAMES MADISON, April 12, 1798

TO JAMES MADISON.

Philadelphia, April 12, 1798.

Dear Sir, I wrote you two letters on the 5th and 6th instant; since which I have received yours of the 2nd. I send you, in a separate package, the instructions to our Envoys and their communications. You will find that my representation of their contents from memory, was substantially just. The public mind appears still in a state of astonishment. There never was a moment in which the aid of an able pen was so important to place things in their just att.i.tude. On this depend the inchoate movement in the eastern mind, and the fate of the elections in that quarter, now beginning and to continue through the summer. I would not propose to you such a task on any ordinary occasion. But be a.s.sured that a well digested a.n.a.lysis of these papers would now decide the future turn of things, which are at this moment on the creen. The merchants here are meeting under the auspices of Fitzsimmons, to address the President and approve his propositions. Nothing will be spared on that side. Sprigg's first resolution against the expediency of war, proper at the time it was moved, is now postponed as improper, because to declare that, after we have understood it has been proposed to us to try peace, would imply an acquiescence under that proposition. All.

therefore, which the advocates of peace can now attempt, is to prevent war measures externally, consenting to every rational measure of internal defence and preparation. Great expenses will be incurred; and it will be left to those whose measures render them necessary, to provide to meet them. They already talk of stopping all payments of interest, and of a land-tax. These will probably not be opposed. The only question will be, how to modify the land-tax. On this there may be a great diversity of sentiment. One party will want to make it a new source of patronage and expense. If this business is taken up, it will lengthen our session. We had pretty generally, till now, fixed on the beginning of May for adjournment. I shall return by my usual routes, and not by the Eastern-sh.o.r.e, on account of the advance of the season.

Friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself. Adieu.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CCx.x.xII.--TO JAMES MADISON, April 26, 1798

TO JAMES MADISON,

Philadelphia, April 26, 1798.

Dear Sir,

The bill for the naval armament (twelve vessels) pa.s.sed by a majority of about four to three in the House of Representatives: all restrictions on the objects for which the vessels should be used were struck out. The bill for establis.h.i.+ng a department of Secretary of the Navy was tried yesterday, on its pa.s.sage to the third reading, and prevailed by forty-seven against forty-one. It will be read the third time to-day.

The provisional army of twenty thousand men will meet some difficulty.

It would surely be rejected if our members were all here. Giles, Clopton, Cabell, and Nicholas have gone, and Clay goes to-morrow. He received here news of the death of his wife. Parker has completely gone over to the war-party. In this state of things they will carry what they please. One of the war-party, in a fit of unguarded pa.s.sion, declared some time ago they would pa.s.s a citizen-bill, an alien-bill, and a sedition-bill: accordingly, some days ago, Coit laid a motion on the table of the House of Representatives for modifying the citizen-law.

Their threats pointed at Gallatin, and it is believed they will endeavor to reach him by this bill. Yesterday Mr. Hillhouse laid on the table of the Senate a motion for giving power to send away suspected aliens. This is understood to be meant for Volney and Collot. But it will not stop there when it gets into a course of execution. There is now only wanting, to accomplish the whole declaration before mentioned, a sedition-bill, which we shall certainly soon see proposed. The object of that, is the suppression of the whig presses. Bache's has been particularly named. That paper and also Carey's totter for want of subscriptions. We should really exert ourselves to procure them, for if these papers fall, republicanism will be entirely brow-beaten. Carey's paper comes out three times a week, at five dollars. The meeting of the people which was called at New York, did nothing. It was found that the majority would be against the address. They therefore chose to circulate it individually. The committee of Ways and Means have voted a land-tax.

An additional tax on salt will certainly be proposed in the House, and probably prevail to some degree. The stoppage of interest on the public debt will also, perhaps, be proposed, but not with effect. In the mean time, that paper cannot be sold. Hamilton is coming on as Senator from New York. There have been so much contrivance and combination in that, as to show there is some great object in hand. Troup, the district judge of New York, resigns towards the close of the session of their a.s.sembly.

The appointment of Mr. Hobart, then Senator, to succeed Troup, is not made by the President till after the a.s.sembly had risen. Otherwise, they would have chosen the Senator in place of Hobart. Jay then names Hamilton Senator, but not till a day or two before his own election as Governor was to come on, lest the unpopularity of the nomination should be in time to affect his own election. We shall see in what all this is to end; but surely in something. The popular movement in the Eastern States is checked, as we expected, and war addresses are showering in from New Jersey and the great trading towns. However, we still trust that a nearer view of war and a land-tax will oblige the great ma.s.s of the people to attend. At present, the war-hawks talk of septembrizing, deportation, and the examples for quelling sedition set by the French executive. All the firmness of the human mind is now in a state of requisition.

Salutations to Mrs. Madison; and to yourself, friends.h.i.+p and adieu.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CCx.x.xIII.--TO JAMES MADISON, May 3, 1798

TO JAMES MADISON.

Philadelphia, May 3, 1798.

Dear Sir,

I wrote you last on the 26th; since which yours of the 22nd of April has been received, acknowledging mine of the 12th; so that all appear to have been received to that date. The spirit kindled up in the towns is wonderful. These and New Jersey are pouring in their addresses, offering life and fortune. Even these addresses are not the worst things. For indiscreet declarations and expressions of pa.s.sion may be pardoned to a mult.i.tude acting from the impulse of the moment. But we cannot expect a foreign nation to show that apathy to the answers of the President, which are more thrasonic than the addresses. Whatever chance for peace might have been left us after the publication of the despatches, is completely lost by these answers. Nor is it France alone, but his own fellow-citizens, against whom his threats are uttered. In Fenno, of yesterday, you will see one, wherein he says to the address from Newark, 'The delusions and misrepresentations which have misled so many citizens, must be discountenanced by authority as well as by the citizens at large'; evidently alluding to those letters from the Representatives to their const.i.tuents, which they have been in the habit of seeking after and publis.h.i.+ng: while those sent by the tory part of the House to their const.i.tuents, are ten times more numerous, and replete with the most atrocious falsehoods and calumnies. What new law they will propose on this subject, has not yet leaked out. The citizen-bill sleeps. The alien-bill, proposed by the Senate, has not yet been brought in. That proposed by the House of Representatives has been so moderated, that it will not answer the pa.s.sionate purposes of the war gentlemen. Whether, therefore, the Senate will push their bolder plan, I know not. The provisional army does not go down so smoothly in the House as it did in the Senate. They are whittling away some of its choice ingredients; particularly that of transferring their own const.i.tutional discretion over the raising of armies to the President. A committee of the Representatives have struck out his discretion, and hang the raising of the men on the contingencies of invasion, insurrection, or declaration of war. Were all our members here, the bill would not pa.s.s.

But it will, probably, as the House now is. Its expense is differently estimated, from five to eight millions of dollars a year. Their purposes before voted, require two millions above all the other taxes, which, therefore, are voted to be raised on lands, houses, and slaves. The provisional army will be additional to this. The threatening appearances from the alien-bills have so alarmed the French who are among us, that they are going off. A s.h.i.+p, chartered by themselves for this purpose, will sail within about a fortnight for France, with as many as she can carry. Among these I believe will be Volney, who has in truth been the princ.i.p.al object aimed at by the law.

Notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the late impressions, it is believed the New York elections, which are over, will give us two or three republicans more than we now have. But it is supposed Jay is re-elected. It is said Hamilton declines coming to the Senate. He very soon stopped his Marcellus. It was rather the sequel which was feared than what actually appeared. He comes out on a different plan in his t.i.tus Manlius, if that be really his. The appointments to the Mississippi were so abominable that the Senate could not swallow them.

They referred them to a committee to inquire into characters, and the President withdrew the nomination.

As there is nothing material now to be proposed, we generally expect to rise in about three weeks. However, I do not venture to order my horses.

My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison. To yourself affectionate friends.h.i.+p, and adieu,

Th: Jefferson.

P. S. Perhaps the President's expression before quoted, may look to the sedition-bill which has been spoken of, and which may be meant to put the printing-presses under the imprimatur of the executive. Bache is thought a main object of it. Cabot, of Ma.s.sachusetts, is appointed Secretary of the Navy. T. J.

LETTER CCx.x.xIV.--TO JAMES LEWIS, JUNIOR, May 9, 1798

TO JAMES LEWIS, JUNIOR.

Philadelphia, May 9, 1798.

Dear Sir,

I am much obliged by your friendly letter of the 4th instant. As soon as I saw the first of Mr. Martin's letters, I turned to the newspapers of the day, and found Logan's speech, as translated by a common Indian interpreter. The version I had used, had been made by General Gibson.

Finding from Mr. Martin's style, that his object was not merely truth, but to gratify party pa.s.sions, I never read another of his letters. I determined to do my duty by searching into the truth, and publis.h.i.+ng it to the world, whatever it should be. This I shall do at a proper season.

I am much indebted to many persons, who, without any acquaintance with me, have voluntarily sent me information on the subject. Party pa.s.sions are indeed high. n.o.body has more reason to know it than myself. I receive daily bitter proofs of it from people who never saw me, nor know any thing of me but through Porcupine and Fenno. At this moment all the pa.s.sions are boiling over, and one who keeps himself cool and clear of the contagion, is so far below the point of ordinary conversation, that he finds himself insulated in every society. However, the fever will not last. War, land-tax, and stamp-tax are sedatives which must cool its ardor. They will bring on reflection, and that, with information, is all which our countrymen need, to bring themselves and their affairs to rights. They are essentially republicans. They retain unadulterated the principles of '75, and those who are conscious of no change in themselves have nothing to fear in the long run. It is our duty still to endeavor to avoid war: but if it shall actually take place, no matter by whom brought on, we must defend ourselves. If our house be on fire, without inquiring whether it was fired from within or without, we must try to extinguish it. In that, I have no doubt, we shall act as one man.

But if we can ward off actual war till the crisis of England is over, I shall hope we may escape it altogether.