A History of Oregon, 1792-1849 Part 67
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"JAMES DOUGLAS."
As to the letter of General Palmer, he has informed us that, while he was attempting to effect an arrangement with the Indians, he was satisfied that McBean was using his influence against the Americans, and doing all he could to keep up the hostile feelings then existing, but, by humoring and flattering him, he would do less harm than by opposing his self-conceit.
As to Dr. Newell's note, it showed his disposition to crawl under the shade of McBean and the Hudson's Bay "_people_" and to give them information that would enable them to cut off the messenger sent to Was.h.i.+ngton.
General Palmer informed McBean that he would leave the first of the week. Newell says, "_Mr. Meek leaves to-night._"
Mr. Douglas is all friends.h.i.+p and affection. He has just learned that a large body of American people are in Salt Lake Valley, and that the Indians about the Spokan station are friendly, notwithstanding the measles and dysentery have been severe among them.
The Indians had been defeated with considerable loss, but the "_sympathies of the Nez Perces are with the Cayuses_." Whence did Sir James get this information? When he wished to convince Governor Abernethy that Mr. Ogden had done right in giving powder and ball for making the portages at Des Chutes, he said, "_These Indians have no fellow-feeling with the Cayuses._" We will give _another remarkable letter_, in answer to the one Mr. Douglas refers to:--
"FORT NEZ PERCeS, March 4, 1848.
"_To the Commissioners, Messrs. Palmer and Newell:_
"GENTLEMEN,--I have to acknowledge your esteemed favor of this date, which was handed me this evening.
"I am happy to learn that your success to effect peace has so far rewarded your endeavors, and that the Nez Perces _are on your side_. Previous to their visiting you, the most influential chiefs came to me, to know your real intention, which I fully explained, and addressed them at length. They left me well disposed, and, I am glad to learn, have acted up to their promise."
Put this statement of Mr. McBean by the side of that of Sir James Douglas, and how does it read? March 7, "_Their sympathies are with the Cayuses._" What are we to understand by such information given to two different parties? Mr. McBean professes to know the views of the Nez Perces, and, on March 4, tells the American commissioners he is happy to learn they are on their side; and, three days after, writes to his superior, at Vancouver, "_Their sympathies are with the Cayuses._"
General Palmer, nor any one else, need mistake the character of such a man; and we will give the company credit for ability to select their men to perform their appropriate business, and at the proper time.
"I now forward letters to Fort Hall and Fort Boise, and have to request, in behalf of the company, that you be kind enough to get them forwarded by Mr. Meek. They are of importance. On their being delivered depends loss or gain to the company.
"WILLIAM McBEAN.
"P. S.--Please present my best respects to General Gilliam and Major Lee."
There are two remarkable facts in these two letters. The first, "the most influential chiefs" went to him, and he explained the real intentions of the Americans, which, according to his report to his superior, made them sympathize with the Cayuses; but to accomplish another object, he would have us believe he made them favorable to the Americans, and claims all the credit for doing so. This would have done very well, only it leaked out, in the speeches of the Indians, the part this agent of the company was playing.
Query 1. How came the Nez Perces, who had always been friendly with the Americans, and never had shed any of their blood, but always fought with and for them, to be at war--that it should require the consent or advice of McBean, or any other Hudson's Bay Company's servant or clerk, to go and make peace with friends?
Query 2. The importance of two letters to Forts Boise and Hall? The _loss or gain_ to the company was of more importance to him than the lives of the missionaries and all at the Dalles, for he would not allow his messenger to inform them of their danger. We have in their communications a specimen of a high and a low agent of that company during the Cayuse war. _The Cayuse tribe_ was always more dependent upon Fort Nez Perces for supplies than the Nez Perces, who have always had more or less intercourse with American traders. From the deposition of Mr. Geiger, we learn that this agent (McBean) of the company was in the habit of interfering with the affairs of the American Indians and missionaries, and from the deposition of Mr. Kimzey, that he was equally officious in favoring the Jesuit missions. And now, from his own officious letter, we learn his position in relation to the war then in progress; that he was attempting to deceive the commissioners, as to his operations and instructions to the Indians, is shown in the information he communicated to Mr. Douglas, and in the letter of Colonel Waters to Governor Abernethy.
Putting all these facts together, who is responsible for the ma.s.sacre and the war with the Cayuses?
CHAPTER LXIII.
Letter to General Lovejoy.--Call for men and ammunition.--Yankama chief.--His speech.--Small supply of ammunition.--Letter of Joseph Cadwallader.--Claim and a girl.--Combined Indian tribes.--Ladies of Oregon.--Public meeting.--A n.o.ble address.--Vote of thanks.--Address of the young ladies.--Death of Colonel Gilliam.--His campaign.--Colonel Waters' letter.--Doubtful position of Indians.--Number at Fort Wallawalla.--Results of the war.--Jesuit letters.--Fathers Hoikin and De Smet.--The Choctaws.--Indian confederacy.--Last hope of the Indian.--Jesuit policy.--The Irish in the war of the Rebellion.--Father Hecker.--Boasts of the Jesuits.--Letter of Lieutenant Rogers.--Priests supply the Indians with arms and ammunition.--Ammunition seized.--Oregon _Argus_.--Discovery of gold.--No help for the Indian.--Withdrawal of the Hudson's Bay Company to Vancouver.--The smooth-tongued Jesuits yet remain.
Let us now turn our attention from scenes of baseness and treachery to such as can not fail to draw forth the more n.o.ble sentiments of the heart. We find in the _Old Spectator_, April 20, 1843:--
"_General A. L. Lovejoy:_
"SIR,--The following was written for the _Express_, but in the hurry and bustle of business, was omitted to be forwarded: To call the men (158) who fought on the Tukanon and Tuchet rivers brave were but common praise,--officers and privates fought with unequaled bravery and skill. Captains Hall, Owens, and Thompson behaved with all that deliberate judgment and determined bravery that was requisite to so hard-fought and long-continued a battle.
"The incomparable services of Sergeant-Major Birch, Quartermaster Goodhue, Judge-Advocate Rinearson, Sergeant Cook, Paymaster Magone, can not be pa.s.sed unnoticed, and deserve their country's praises.
Captains English and McKay were not in the engagement--the latter being sick, the former returning from the Tuchet with the wagons and the stock.
"H. J. G. MAXON, "Commanding at Fort Wascopum."
"FORT WASCOPUM, April 7, 1848.
"_General A. L. Lovejoy:_
"SIR,--We received your letter of instructions, by express, on the 3d instant, and I a.s.sure you it gave me great satisfaction to make them known to the troops under my command. Since the promotion of Major Lee to the command, the boys have taken fresh courage; though some of them can hardly hide their nakedness, they are willing under your promises to stick it out like men.
"Give us five hundred men, and plenty of ammunition, with Colonel Lee at our head, and I think we will soon bring the war to an honorable close.
"_The Yankama chiefs_ came over to see us a few days ago, and stated that they had written to the white chief but had received no answer. [Who was the writer for the Indians? No American dare remain in the country beyond the protection of the army.] Therefore they had come over to see him. They spoke to us as follows:--
"'We do not want to fight the Americans, nor the French; neither do the Spokans, a neighboring tribe to us. Last fall the Cayuses told us that they were about _to kill the whites at Dr. Whitman's_. We told them that was wrong, which made them mad at us; and when they killed them, they came and wished us to fight the whites, which we refused. We loved the whites; but they said, if you do not help us to fight the whites, when we have killed them we will come and kill you. This made us cry; but we told them we would not fight, but if they desired to kill us they might. We should feel happy to know that we die innocently.'
"I answered them as follows: 'We are glad you have come, because we like to see our friends, and do not like to make war on innocent people. The Great Spirit we love has taught us that it is wrong to shed innocent blood; therefore we wish everybody to be our friends.
Our peace men long ago sent you word, that we did not come to make war on any but those murderers who shed the blood of our countrymen, and insulted our women. When we get those wicked men we will go home, but those we will have; if not now, we will fight until we do get them. We do not want to kill any but the murderers; but all who fight with them, we consider as bad as they are. All tribes which receive them we must make war upon, because their hearts are bad, and we know that the Great Spirit is angry with them. We hope your nation will not receive them. We hope that you will not let your young men join them, because we do not wish to kill innocent people. We hope, that if the murderers come among you, you will bring them to us; then the Great Spirit will not be angry with you. We that fight do not care how many bad people we have to fight. _The Americans and Hudson's Bay Company people are the same as one_, and you will get no more ammunition until the war is at a close.'
"I gave them a plow as a national gift, and told them that I gave that kind of a present because we thought tilling the ground would make them happy. They remained with us a day and night, and then left for their country with an a.s.surance of friends.h.i.+p.
"The ammunition boats arrived here this evening, and I shall start to-morrow for Wailatpu with nine provision wagons and baggage wagons besides, and about one hundred men to guard them, leaving McKay's company to guard this place until Colonel Lee's arrival here.
"The _scanty supply of ammunition_ sent us is almost disheartening.
If the rumor that the Indians brought us this evening be true, I fear that we will have to shoot the most of it at the Indians before we can reach the boys. The Indians reported here this evening that the horse-guard at Wailatpu was killed by the Indians, and all the horses run off. I shall lose no time, I a.s.sure you, but will relieve them with all possible speed.
"Your obedient servant,
"H. J. G. MAXON, S. C. C. O. D."
We will not stop to comment on the facts and points stated in this letter relative to the Yankama Indians and Captain Maxon's remarks to them, but continue our narrative from a letter of Jesse Cadwallader from Fort Waters, April 4, 1848. At the time of writing, he did not know of Colonel Gilliam's death. He says:--
"At present we are not in a very pleasant fix for fighting, as we are but 150 in number, and nearly out of ammunition. Colonel Gilliam, with the rest of the men, left here on the 20th ult. for the Dalles for supplies. We look for them in a few days, and hope to see more men with them. We look for the Indians to come upon us every day. They say they will give us one more fight, and drive us from the country. We expect they will number 1,200. The Cayuses, Nez Perces, Wallawallas, Spokans, and Paluces will all join and fight us, and you may expect a call for more men in a short time; we are preparing for an attack. We are killing beef and drying it to-day. I think we can defend this post; we shall do so or die in the attempt.----
"We can not complain of our living, so far; we have a plenty of beef and bread, nearly all the time. We have found several _caches_ of wheat, peas, and potatoes. We have about thirty bushels of wheat on hand, and the mill fitted up for grinding.
"I wish you would see to my claim on Clear Creek, for I expect to return when this war is over, and occupy it, with some man's girl as a companion."
The following proceedings of the ladies of Oregon City and vicinity, which was responded to all over the country, showing how the ladies of Oregon and this Pacific coast can respond to the call of their country, found a welcome place in the columns of the _Spectator_. We understand that considerable clothing has been contributed by the ladies for the volunteers in the field. Such acts by ladies are highly commendable to them, and can not fail to have a favorable influence in the army:--
"At a meeting convened at the Methodist church, according to previous notice, on the 12th instant, to consult upon the best means to aid in relieving the necessities of the soldiers, the meeting was called to order by Mrs. Hood, when Mrs. Thornton was called to the chair, and Mrs. Thurston (the wife of our first delegate to Congress), was appointed secretary. Mrs. Thornton (whose husband was then in Was.h.i.+ngton, doing all he could for the country as a volunteer representative of its interests, while his n.o.ble wife was teaching school and ready to aid in sustaining our almost naked army) briefly stated the object of the meeting, when, on motion, it was resolved to form a society, the object of which should be to aid and a.s.sist in supporting the war (Sanitary Society). On motion, the meeting proceeded to choose officers; which resulted in the election of Mrs. Thornton, President; Mrs.
Robb, Vice-President; Mrs. Leslie (second wife of Rev. D. Leslie), Treasurer; and Mrs. Thurston, Secretary.
"On motion, it was voted to appoint a committee of three, whose duty it should be to a.s.sist the society in raising funds, etc. The president appointed Mrs. Hood (an active, energetic old lady), Mrs.
A History of Oregon, 1792-1849 Part 67
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