History of the Rise of the Huguenots Volume I Part 5

[Footnote 8: "Dopo il papa che e universal capo della religione, e la signoria di Venezia, che, come e nata, s'e conservata sempre cristiana."

Suriano, _ubi supra_, i. 472.]

[Footnote 9: This was in the early part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, Dec.

15, 1559, MSS. British Museum. I use the summary in the Calendar of State Papers (Stevenson), p. 197, note.]

[Footnote 10: Marino Cavalli stated, in 1546, that this systematic policy of continually incorporating and never alienating had been pursued for eighty years. So successful had it proved, that everything had been absorbed by confiscation, succession, or purchase. There was, perhaps, no longer a single prince in the kingdom with an income of 20,000 crowns; while even their scanty resources and straitened estates the princes possessed simply as ordinary proprietors, from whose actions an appeal was open to the king. Relazioni Venete (Alberi, Firenze), serie 1, i. 234, 235.]

[Footnote 11: Yet the old prejudice against city life had not fully died out. So late as in 1527, Cha.s.sanee wrote: "Galliae omnis una est n.o.bilium norma. Nam rura et praedia sua (dicam potius castra) incolentes _urbes fugiunt, in quibus habitare n.o.bilem turpe ducitur_. Qui in illis degunt, ign.o.biles habentur a n.o.bilibus." Catalogus Gloriae Mundi, fol. 200.]

[Footnote 12: Michel Suriano, Rel. des Amb. Ven., i. 488.]

[Footnote 13: Mignet, _ubi supra_, ii. 160, etc.]

[Footnote 14: Rel. dell' Amb. Marino Cavalli (1546), _ubi supra_, i.

229.]

[Footnote 15: It would seem that the Venetian amba.s.sadors were never free from apprehension lest their admiration of what they had seen abroad might be construed as disparagement of their own island city.

Hence, Marino Giustiniano (A. D. 1535), after making the statement which we have given in the text, is careful to add: "_Pur non arriva di richezza ad una gran gionta quanto Venezia; ne anco ha maggior popolo_, per mio giudizio, di che loro si gloriano." Rel. Venete (Alberi, Firenze), serie 1, i. 148.]

[Footnote 16: The lowest estimate, which is that of Guicciardini (Belgiae Descriptio, apud Prescott, Philip II., i. 367), is probably nearest the mark; the highest, 800,000, is that of Davila, Storia delle Guerre Civili, 1. iii. (Eng. trans., p. 79). Marino Cavalli, in 1546, says 500,000; Michel Suriano, in 1561, between 400,000 and 500,000. M.

Dulaure is even more parsimonious than Guicciardini, for he will allow Paris, in the sixteenth century, not more than 200,000 to 210,000 souls!

Histoire de Paris, iv. 384. Some of the exaggerated estimates may be errors of transcription. At least Ranke a.s.serts that this is the case with the 500,000 of Fran. Giustiniani in 1537, where the original ma.n.u.script gives only 300,000. Franzosische Geschichte, v. (Abschn. 1), 76.]

[Footnote 17: See, for example, the MS. receipt, from which it appears that, in 1516, Sieur Imbert de Baternay pledged his entire service of plate to help defray the expenses of the war. Capefigue, Francois Premier et la Renaissance, i. 141.]

[Footnote 18: Marino Giustiniano (1535), Rel. Venete (Alberi), i, 185, Francois de Rabutin, Guerres de Belgique (Ed. Pantheon), 697.]

[Footnote 19: Marino Giustiniano, _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 20: M. A. Boullee (in his Histoire complete des etats-Generaux, i. 181, etc.) and other writers give the character of States General to the gathering of princes, clergy, etc., at Tours, in May, 1506. This was the a.s.sembly from which Louis XII. obtained the welcome advice to break an engagement to give his daughter Claude, heiress of Brittany, in marriage to Charles, the future emperor of Germany, in order that he might be free to bestow her hand on Francis of Angouleme. M. Boullee is also inclined to call the a.s.sembly after the battle of St. Quentin, January 5, 1558, a meeting of the States General.

But Michel Suriano is correct in stating (Rel. des Amb. Ven., Tommaseo, i. 512-514) that between Louis XI.'s time and 1560 the only States General were those of 1483. Chancellor L'Hospital's words cited below are conclusive.]

[Footnote 21: Some of Louis XI.'s successors imbibed his aversion for these popular a.s.semblies, and would, like Louis, have treated any one as a rebel who dared to talk of calling them. Michel Suriano, Rel. des Amb.

Ven. (Tommaseo), i. 512-514.]

[Footnote 22: Chancellor L'Hospital's remarkable words were: "Or, messieurs, parceque nous reprenons l'ancienne coustume de tenir les estats _ja delaisses par le temps de quatre-vingts ans ou environ, ou n'y a memoire d'homme qui y puisse atteindre_, je diray en peu de paroles que c'est que tenir les estats, pour quelle cause Fon a.s.sembloit les estats, la facon et maniere, et qui y presidoit, quel bien en vient au roy, quel au peuple, et mesmes s'il est utile au roy de tenir les estats, ou non." The address in full in La Place, Commentaires de l'Estat de la Republique, etc. (Ed. Pantheon), 80.]

[Footnote 23: Michel Suriano, _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 24: "Tellement que sous ces beaux et doux appasts, l'on n'ouvre jamais telles a.s.semblees que le peuple n'y accoure, ne les embra.s.se, et ne s'en esiouysse infiniement, ne considerant pas qu'il n'y a rien qu'il deust tant craindre, _comme estant le general refrain d'iceux, de tirer argent de luy_.... Au contraire jamais on ne feit a.s.semblee generale des trois Estats en cette France, sans accroistre les finances de nos Roys a la diminution de celles du peuple." Pasquier, Recherches de la France, l. ii. c. 7, p. 82.]

[Footnote 25: "Il re di Francia _e re d'asini_, perche il suo popolo supoorta ogni sorte di peso, senza rechiamo mai." Michel Suriano, Commentarii (Rel. des Amb. Ven., Tommaseo), i. 486.]

[Footnote 26: Guerres de Belgique (ed. Pantheon), 585.]

[Footnote 27: "Egli pu riputar poi tutti li danari della Francia esser suoi; perche nelli suoi bisogni, sempre che li dimanda, gli sono portati molto volontariamente _per la incomparabil benevolenza di essi popoli_."

Relaz. Ven. (Alberi), ii. 172.]

[Footnote 28: Cayet, Hist. de la guerre sous le regne de Henry IV., i.

248. We shall see that Francis carried out the same ideas of absolute authority in his dealings both with reputed heresy and with the Gallican Church itself. He seems even to have believed himself commissioned to do all the thinking in matters of religion for his more intellectual sister; for, if Brantome may be credited, when Constable Montmorency, on one occasion, had the temerity to suggest to him that all his efforts to extirpate error in France would be futile until he began with Margaret of Angouleme, Francis silenced him with the remark: "No more on that subject! She loves me too much; she will never believe anything but what I desire." Femmes ill.u.s.tres: Marguerite, reine de Navarre.]

[Footnote 29: "Stanno a quelli soggetti piu che cani." Relaz. Ven., ii.

174.]

[Footnote 30: Ibid., _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 31: "Mercatores aspernantur," says Cha.s.sanee in 1527, "ut vile atque abjectum omnium genus." Catal. Gloriae Mundi, fol. 200.]

[Footnote 32: Mignet, _ubi supra_, ii. 173.]

[Footnote 33: See the sketch by Daniel, Histoire de France, reprinted in Leber, Collection de pieces relatives a l'histoire de France, vi, 266, etc.; also Mignet, _ubi supra_, ii. 177, etc.]

[Footnote 34: Mignet, _ubi supra_, ii. 212; Floquet, Histoire du parlement de Normandie, tom. i.; Daniel, _ubi supra_; Vicomte de b.a.s.t.a.r.d-D'Estang, Les parlements de France, i. 189.]

[Footnote 35: The formula is worthy of attention: "Quand on vous apportera a sceller quelque lettre, signee par le commandement du Roi, si elle n'est de justice et raison, ne la scellerez point, encore que ledit Seigneur le commandast par une ou deux fois; mais viendrez devers iceluy Seigneur, et lui remonstrerez tous les points par lesquels ladite lettre n'est pas raisonnable, et apres que aura entendu lesdita points, s'il vous commande la sceller, la scellerez, car lors le peche en sera sur ledit Seigneur et non sur vous." In full in M. de Saint-Allais, De l'ancienne France (Paris, 1834), ii. 91; see also Capefigue, Francois Premier et la Renaissance, i. 106.]

[Footnote 36: Certainly not than with the Parliament of Aix. See its shortcomings in the papers of Prof. Joly, of the Faculte des Lettres of Caen, ent.i.tled "Les juges des Vaudois: Mercuriales du parlement de Provence au XVI^e siecle, d'apres des doc.u.ments inedits." Bulletin de l'hist. du Prot. fr., xxiv. (1875), 464-471, 518-523, 555-564.]

[Footnote 37: "Qu'il n'y a pas un seigneur en ce ressort, qui n'aye son chancelier en ceste Cour." Boscheron des Portes, Histoire du parlement de Bordeaux (Bordeaux, 1877), i. 191-194, from Registers of Parliament.]

[Footnote 38: "La genuflexion ne le ferait pas moins roi qu'il etait."

Ibid., i. 185.]

[Footnote 39: See Pasquier's conclusive argument in his chapter: "Que l'opinion est erronee par laquelle on attribue l'inst.i.tution de l'Universite de Paris a l'Empereur Charlemagne." Recherches de la France, 800. So universally accepted, however, in Pasquier's time, was the story of Charlemagne's agency in the matter, that "de croire le contraire c'est estre heretique en l'histoire," p. 798.]

[Footnote 40: The chancellor "de Notre Dame," the chancellor proper, alone had the power to create doctors in theology, law, and medicine; but candidates for the degree of master of arts might apply either to him or to the rival chancellor of Sainte Genevieve: "Quant aux Maistres es Arts, a l'un ou l'autre Chancelier, selon le choix qui en est fait par celuy qui veut prendre sa licence." Pasquier, Recherches, 840.]

[Footnote 41: "Le premier juge et censeur de la doctrine et murs des escoliers, que nous appelons Chancelier de l'Universite." Pasquier, _ubi supra_, 265.]

[Footnote 42: Pasquier has a fund of quaint information respecting the university, the chancellor, the rector, etc. Of the contrast between rector and chancellor he remarks: "Quant au Chancelier de l'Universite il pare seulement de ce coup contre toutes ces grandeurs (sc. du Recteur); que le Recteur fait des escoliers pour estudier (tout ainsi que le capitaine des soldats, quand il les enrolle pour combattre) mais le Chancelier fait des capitaines quand il baille le bonnet de Theologie, Decret, Medecine, et Arts, pour enseigner et monter en chaire." _Ubi supra_, 843.]

[Footnote 43: Sleida.n.u.s, De statu rel., etc., ad annum 1521.]

[Footnote 44: "Vinculis, censuris, imo ignibus et flammis coercendam, potius quam ratione convincendam." Determination of the Fac. of Theology against Luther, April 15. 1521, Gerdes, Hist. Evang. Renov., iv. 10, etc., Doc.u.ments.]

[Footnote 45: From the _Cite_, or island on which the city was originally built, and the Ville, or Paris north of the Seine. Pasquier, Recherches, 797; J. Sinceri, Itinerarium Galliae (1627), 270.]

[Footnote 46: Juvenal des Ursins, _apud_ Pasquier, 267.]

[Footnote 47: Relazioni Venete (Alberi), i. 149.]

[Footnote 48: Ibid., i. 226.]

[Footnote 49: "Donc, le gouvernement de l'eglise n'est pas un empire despotique." Abbe Claude Fleury, Discours sur les Libertes de l'eglise gallicane, 1724 (reprinted in Leber, Coll. de pieces relatives a l'hist.

de France, iii. 252).]

[Footnote 50: "On a conteste l'authenticite de cette piece, mais elle est aujourd'hui generalement reconnu." Isambert, Recueil gen. des anciennes lois francaises, i. 339.]

[Footnote 51: Preuves des Libertez de l'Eglise Gallicane, pt. ii.; Isambert, _ubi supra_; Ordonnances des Roys de France de la troisieme race, i. 97-98. Section 5 sufficiently expresses the feelings of the king in reference to the insatiable covetousness of the Roman court: "Item, exactiones et onera gravissima pecuniarum, per curiam Romanam ecclesiae regni nostri impositas vel imposita, quibus regnum nostrum miserabiliter depauperatum ext.i.tit, sive etiam imponendas, aut imponenda levari, aut colligi nullatenus volumus, nisi duntaxat pro rationabili, pia et urgentissima causa, inevitabili necessitate, et de spontaneo et expresso consensu nostro et ipsius ecclesiae regni nostri." See also Sismondi, Histoire des Francais, vii. 104.]