Terrestrial and Celestial Globes Volume I Part 4

[69] Dorn, B. Drei in der kaiserlichen offentlichen Bibliothek zu St. Petersburg befindliche astronomische Instrumente mit arabischen Inschriften. (In: Memoires de l'Academie Imperiale des Sciences de St. Petersbourg. St.

Petersbourg, 1865. VII? serie, Tome IX, No. 1.)

[Ill.u.s.tration: Arabic Celestial Globe. _From Dorn's ill.u.s.tration_]

Chapter IV

Terrestrial and Celestial Globes in the Christian Middle Ages

General att.i.tude of the period toward the theories of the Greeks and the Romans.-Scripture statements as sources of information.-Inclination of certain early writers to accept the doctrine of a spherical earth.-The particular att.i.tude of Pope Sylvester II.-The a.s.serted interest of Emperor Frederick II in scientific studies.-Alfonso the Wise and the Alfonsian tables.-Interesting allusions in Alfonso's work to globes and globe construction.-Giovanni Campano of Novara and the statements in his 'Tractatis de sphera solida.'-The att.i.tude of Albertus Magnus, Sacrobosco, Roger Bacon, Vincent of Beauvais, Dante.

For many centuries following the fall of the Western Roman Empire, there appears to have been in Christian Europe but little interest in the fundamental principles of geographical or astronomical science. The theories of the Greeks and the Romans respecting a spherical earth and a spherical firmament encompa.s.sing it, in ill.u.s.tration of which they had constructed globes, were not entirely forgotten, but such theories in general were considered to be valueless, hindrances rather than helps to the theological beliefs of the new Christian era.[70]

Though the early Church Fathers were inclined to reject the idea of a globular earth,[71] there were not a few among them who found the theory of a circular earth an acceptable one. The latter, it is true, was an early Greek belief, referred to above as having been entertained in Homer's day, and as having been pa.s.sed down to succeeding centuries, but Christian writers did not find in the fact of its pagan origin a particular argument for accepting it; on the contrary, the Bible was held by many to be the fountain of all knowledge, and a sure guide no less in the solution of problems pertaining to the physical sciences than in the solution of problems pertaining to faith and doctrine. What was contained in the Scriptures found a more ready acceptance than what was to be found in pagan writers.[72] Isaiah's statement, "It is He that sitteth upon the circle of the earth," was regarded as one altogether adequate on which to found a theory of the form of the earth, and it was accepted by such biblical interpreters as Lactantius, Cosmas Indicopleustes (Figs. 16, 17), Diodorus of Tarsus, Chrysostom, Severian of Gabala, by those who were known as the Syrians, by Procopius and Decuil.[73] Men, however, such as Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, and Philoponos inclined strongly toward the Aristotelian doctrine of a spherical earth.[74] Isidore of Seville appears to have been a supporter of the spherical doctrine,[75] as was also the Venerable Bede, who, in his 'De natura rerum,' upholds the doctrine of a spherical earth on practically the same grounds as those advanced by Aristotle.[76]

[Ill.u.s.tration: Fig. 16. The Universe according to Cosmas Indicopleustes, Sixth Century.]

[Ill.u.s.tration: Fig. 17. Cosmas' Ill.u.s.tration Confuting the Existence of Antipodal Peoples.]

In ill.u.s.tration of the doctrine of a circular earth, terrestrial globes certainly could not have been thought of as having any practical value.

With a rejection of the spherical theory of the ancients very naturally went the rejection of their globes.

The circular or Homeric theory, as noted above, had its supporters, even to the close of the middle ages, but the inclination is more or less marked, even as early as the seventh century, to accept again the doctrine of a spherical earth. It seems to have come into prominence again with the growing belief in the importance of the place of the earth in the universe. After the eighth century this theory may be said to have had a very general acceptance by those who, Faust-like, felt a desire for a larger freedom from theological restraint than the church encouraged. (Figs. 18, 19.)

[Ill.u.s.tration: Fig. 18. Hereford World Map, ca. 1283.]

[Ill.u.s.tration: Fig. 19. The Earth Pictured as a Sphere by Nicolas d'Oresme, 1377.]

Attention has been called to the att.i.tude of the writings of the Anglo-Saxon Church Father, the Venerable Bede. Although we have no unquestionable proof that Bede, or Alcuin,[77] who was greatly influenced by him, insisted on the use of globes in geographical instruction, there is good reason for thinking these scholars would have inclined to encourage their use. The monastic schools, which, in the methods of instruction, rested upon the plan wrought out by Alcuin for the Palace School of Charles the Great, considered globes to be apparatus of great educational value. Professor Gunther is inclined to think it probable that celestial globes were used throughout the early centuries of this mediaeval period in the better schools, though no positive statement to that effect can be cited.[78]

We know that an exact knowledge of the movements of the sun, of the moon, and of the constellations was considered to be of first importance for the priesthood in the middle ages, since it was through a knowledge of their movements that the times for the observance of the rigid church rules were fixed.[79] The acquisition of such knowledge could best be secured through the use of the celestial globe.[80] We learn from Notker Labeo (950-1022), one of the most distinguished teachers of the monastic school of St. Gallen, that he made use of such globes for astro-geographical instruction, which, in their important features, were like our modern celestial globes, for he tells us "they were supplied with all necessary parts." It seems evident that those of which he made use could be adjusted to every desired alt.i.tude of the pole.[81]

One of the most distinguished scholars of the tenth century was Bishop Gerbert (ca. 940-1003), later Pope Sylvester II, of whose learning we possess reliable evidence.[82] His astronomical knowledge so astonished his contemporaries that he was thought to be a necromancer and was accused of being in league with the evil one.[83] He was a diligent student of the literature of antiquity, which had survived to his day, especially surpa.s.sing all others, it is reported, in his acquaintance with the learning of pagan Rome. In the instruction which he gave in astronomical science he made use of various instruments, to the end that his pupils might the better understand the subject, among which instruments were celestial globes and armillary spheres. These were a source of much wonderment to his contemporaries. It is said that one of these instruments was so skilfully constructed that even the untrained by its use, having one constellation pointed out, would be able to locate all others "with the aid of a globe and without the aid of a teacher."[84] In a letter to the monastic teacher Constantius, with whom Gerbert stood in the friendliest relations for many years at Rheims, he refers to the construction of a celestial globe, and in a more detailed manner he makes mention of this when writing to Remigius of Trier. In four of his letters to this last named prelate, Gerbert touches upon his purpose to construct a globe, but on account of the added duties which were his, occasioned by the death of Archbishop Adalbero, he seems not to have been able to complete his work. He expresses himself, in the third one of these letters, as hopeful that a favorable time might yet come for him to take up the plan, but the increasing opposition of his enemies left him no leisure for scientific labors of this character, and it does not appear that he turned his attention again to globe making.[85]

The thirteenth century furnishes us with the names of two distinguished princes who were especially active in advancing scientific studies of their times. One of these was the Hohenstaufen Frederick II, concerning whom we are informed that he directed a learned Arabian, who sojourned at his court, to construct for him a celestial globe of gold on which the stars were to be represented by pearls.[86] We are further told that as an outcome of his friendly relations with the rulers of the East, the Sultan of Egypt sent to him an astronomical tent of wonderful construction. In this the sun and the moon were represented and by means of a skilfully constructed mechanism they were made to rise and set, marking out the hours of day and night.[87]

As a ruler of like intellectual and scientific interests, the Castilian, Alfonso X, who lived in the thirteenth century, known as "The Wise" and as "The Astronomer," deserves to be especially mentioned. By his order an elaborate astronomical work was prepared, which holds a place of first importance among mediaeval productions of its character. In this work the construction of globes is discussed in a very detailed manner, mention being made of every feature regarded as belonging to a properly constructed celestial sphere. So significant are certain chapters of this work for the history of globes and of globe making that a free translation is here given of that part relating to materials of which globes may be constructed.[88] "A sphere may be made of many materials,"

says the author, "as of gold, or silver, or copper, or bra.s.s, or iron, or lead, or tin, or of a combination of these metals; or they may be made of stone, or clay, or wood. They may also be made of leather, of cloth, of parchment in many layers, and of many other materials which men employ when they wish to give an exhibition of their skill. Those, however, who have carefully considered these things, have decided that there is nothing more suitable than wood and for the following reasons.

If the globe should be made of gold, only a very rich man would be able to possess it; furthermore it would be very heavy. If it should be made of thin sheets of gold it could be easily indented and would not long remain a perfect sphere. If it should be made small, that which was represented thereon would not appear distinct. The same thing may be said of silver, although it is a metal stronger than gold, as it is likewise harder, and therefore is not so easily indented. Copper is a metal harder than either silver or gold, but is so dry that it can not be easily fas.h.i.+oned into a globe, which should always be well made.

Bra.s.s, which is like dark colored copper, may be more easily fas.h.i.+oned, because it is more malleable than copper, and is stronger than either gold or silver. If, however, a globe made of this material should be thin it might easily lose its shape, and if thick it would be very heavy. Of all metals, however, this is the one most suitable for use in making spheres, as it is the one most commonly employed. A globe of iron would be very difficult to make and would be very heavy, and since the rust would have to be removed from it very frequently, there would be much danger of destroying the figures. A globe of tin, if made of a thin sheet, could be easily indented, and would be very heavy if the sheet of which made were thick. Lead, if thin, would offer less resistance to injury than tin, and is a material much heavier. Furthermore, as lead is inclined to turn black, the figures and the stars represented on a globe of this material would soon become so discolored as to be no longer visible. There is no way by which it can be cleaned without wiping out the figures. Although the metal could be combined to form that material of which water jugs and buckets are made it would be so fragile as to break like gla.s.s. Clay, which is also used for the making of water jugs, mortars, and fountains, is not suitable for globes, because if thin it would break easily, and if thick it would be very heavy. Moreover this material when prepared must be baked in a kiln which fact renders it unsuitable for use in making spheres. A globe should not be made of stone, since if this were transparent the figures could not easily be seen, and such material would be very heavy. It would not be fitting to make so n.o.ble an object as a sphere of the material of which jars are made. Leather would not be suitable, though it might be fas.h.i.+oned into a permanent spherical shape. Such material shrinks in hot weather or when brought near a fire. Cloth would not be suitable, though it were made very strong, since heat would cause it to shrink, and moisture would cause it to lose its shape, and this same thing may be said of parchment. A sphere of wood is strong and is of reasonable weight and may be made in the manner which we shall set forth." The original ma.n.u.script of this work is profusely ill.u.s.trated, including representations of the figures of the several constellations (Fig. 20).

[Ill.u.s.tration: Fig. 20. The Constellation Taurus.]

In the latter part of the thirteenth century the mathematician, Giovanni Campano, a native of Novara and it appears a particular friend and supporter of Pope Urban IV, won distinction for his scholarly attainments in the field of astronomy.[89] In addition to his work, t.i.tled, 'Teorica planetarum,' wherein he comments on the subject of astronomy and geometry, and makes copious references to the Greek geometrician Euclid, whose works he had translated into Latin, he prepared a treatise which he called 'Tractatis de sphera solida.' In the prologue to this work, after noting that the number of astronomical instruments which have been constructed is large, he states that in the main they agree in their representation of the movements of the heavens, adding that as the heavens are spherical, spherical instruments are to be preferred. In his first chapter, after alluding to the astronomical instruments described by Ptolemy, he proceeds to treat of the composition of solid spheres, which he says may be made of metal, or better, of wood. He gives rules for making the same by the use of the lathe, and notes in conclusion it is well to make the sphere hollow in order to lighten the weight. In the following chapters he treats of the inscription of the circles of the sphere, of the construction of the several rings employed in the mounting, such as the horizon and the meridian circles, and gives consideration to the representation of the several constellations on the surface of the ball. In the second part of his treatise he gives instruction as to how to use the instrument in the solution of astronomical problems.

There appears to be only the slightest evidence that Campano was acquainted with the work of Alfonso. His presentation of the subject, in all probability, was altogether independent of a knowledge of the Alfonsian tables. It is interesting to observe that in the day when astrology was in great favor in the universities of Europe, Campano continued to be interested in genuine astronomical science.

Albertus Magnus, in his 'Liber de coelo et mondo,'[90] devotes an entire chapter to a theoretical consideration of gravitation, a.s.serting that the earth is spherical (Spherica sive orbicularis necessario), and proceeds to a demonstration of the theory, in which he practically follows the arguments of Aristotle, that every particle of the earth away from the center is continually in movement seeking that center, the result being the formation of a spherical body. He advances further, as argument in proof of a spherical earth, that the shadow it casts in an eclipse of the moon is circular.

Sacrobosco (John of Holywood or Halifax) (fl. 1230),[91] who was active in the first half of the thirteenth century, much of the time as professor of mathematics in the University of Paris, prepared a work bearing the t.i.tle, 'Tractatus de sphaera,' being in part a summary of the 'Almagest' of Ptolemy. In this work the theory of a spherical earth is supported in much the same manner as was done by Campano. The 'Tractatus' proved to be one of the most important quasi scientific geographical and astronomical textbooks of the later middle ages, being frequently copied, and frequently printed after the invention of that art.[92]

Further reference might be made to a belief in a spherical earth, as held by Roger Bacon (1214-1294),[93] by Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274),[94]

by Vincent of Beauvais (1190-1264),[95] by Dante (1265-1321),[96] and still others of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. It should, however, be stated that nowhere in the works of these authors does there appear a reference to the construction of terrestrial globes, and only incidentally the implication that they knew of or approved the construction of celestial globes.

The increasing interest in geography and in astronomy in the closing years of the middle ages led most naturally, in time, to much activity in globe construction, and to this fact attention is directed in the following chapter.

NOTES

[70] Beazley's monumental work, previously cited, considers the geographical knowledge of the Christian middle ages, from the closing years of the Western Roman Empire to the early years of the fifteenth century. See especially Vol. I, chap. vi; Vol. II, chap. vi; Vol. III, chap. vi. Marinelli, G. Die Erdkunde bei den Kirchvatern. Leipzig, 1884; Kretschmer, K. Die physische Erdkunde im christlichen Mittelalter. Wien, 1889; Cosmas Indicopleustes. Christian Topography, tr. by J. M. McCrindle. (In: Hakluyt Society Publications. London, 1897); Gunther, S. Die kosmographischen Anschauung des Mittelalters. (In: Deutsch.

Rundschau fur Geographie und Statistik. Vol. IV, pp. 135 ff.)

[71] Zockler, O. Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft. Gutersloh, 1877. pp. 122 ff.; White, A. D. A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom. New York, 1895-1897. See especially chaps. ii-iii. See also references in note 1.

[72] Isaiah, chap. xl, v. 20; Ezechiel, chap. x.x.xviii, v.

12; Job, chap, xxvi, v. 7, 10; Psalm cx.x.xvi, 6.

[73] Note summary and citations in Kretschmer, op. cit.

[74] Note citations in Kretschmer, op. cit.

[75] See his works, Etymologia, 3, 24-71, and De natura rerum, 9-27. Brehaut, E. An Encyclopedist of the Dark Ages.

Isidore of Seville. (In: Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, Columbia University. New York, 1912. Vol.

xlviii, No. 1.)

It must be admitted that there is considerable incoherence in the views of the world as expressed by the great majority of the mediaeval writers. One not infrequently lands in confusion when undertaking an investigation of their opinions.

[76] Beda. Opuscula scientifica. Ed. by J. A. Giles. London, 1843. See De natura rerum, chap. xlvi, t.i.tled, "Terram globo similem."

[77] West, A. F. Alcuin and the Rise of Christian Schools.

New York, 1892; Mullinger, J. B. The Schools of Charles the Great. New York, 1911; Fellner, R. Kompendium der Naturwissenschaften an der Schule zu Fulda. Berlin, 1879.

The real founder of the monastic schools was Hraba.n.u.s Maurus, who was a pupil of Alcuin, and who carried to the monastery of Fulda that Englishman's love for the Quadrivium.

[78] Gunther, S.-Fiorini, M. Erd- und Himmelsgloben.

Leipzig, 1895. p. 19.

[79] Specht, F. A. Geschichte des Unterrichtswesen in Deutschland von den altesten Zeiten bis zur Mitte des XIII Jahrhunderts. Stuttgart, 1885. pp. 127 ff.

[80] Gunther-Fiorini, op. cit., p. 18, n. 4, refers to a star map made in the monastery of St. Emeran in the early fifteenth century, and now belonging to the K. K. Hof- und Staats-Bibliothek of Munich, which was intended for a "Compositio spere solido."

[81] Arx, J. v. Geschichte des Kantons St. Gallen. St.

Gallen, 1810. p. 265.

[82] Budinger, M. uber Gerberts wissenschaftliche und politische Stellung. Marburg, 1851; Werner, K. Gerbert von Aurillac, die Kirche und die Wissenschaft seiner Zeit. Wien, 1878.