Early English Meals and Manners Part 11
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So, Thomas Howard, son of Sir John Howard, knight, and afterwards Duke of Norfolk, who defeated the Scots at Flodden, is believed, &c.
1484 John Skelton, the poet, probably of an ancient c.u.mberland family.
1520?
Henry Howard, son of Lord Thomas Howard, ultimately Duke of Norfolk. Nothing is known as to the place of his education. If it were either of the English Universities, the presumption is in favour of Cambridge.
The only tradesman's son mentioned is, 1504 Sir Richard Empson, son of Peter Empson, a sieve-maker, High-Steward.]
[Footnote 45: Whitgift himself, born 1530, was educated at St.
Anthony's school, then sent back to his father in the country, and sent up to Cambridge in 1548 or 1549.]
[Footnote 46: No proof of this is given.]
[Footnote 47: Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, son and heir of Thomas Duke of Norfolk, 'was for a time student in Cardinal Coll. as the constant tradition has been among us.' p. 153, col. 1.]
[Footnote 48: Andrew Borde, who writes himself _Andreas Perforatus_, was born, as it seems, at Pevensey, commonly called Pensey [now Pemsey], in Suss.e.x, and not unlikely educated in Wykeham's school near to Winchester, brought up at Oxford (as he saith in his _Introduction to Knowledge_, cap. 35), p. 170, col.
2, and note.]
[Footnote 49: See Mat. Paris, p. 665, though he speaks there chiefly of monks[*] beyond sea.]
[Footnote 49*: As appears from Wood's _Fasti Oxon._
The following names of Oxford men educated at monkish or friars'
schools, or of their bodies, occur in the first volume of Wood's _Athenae Oxon._, ed. Bliss:
p. 6, col. 2.
William Beeth, educated among the Dominicans or Black Friers from his youth, and afterwards their provincial master or chief governor.
p. 7, col. 2.
Richard Bardney, a Benedictine of Lincolns.h.i.+re.
p. 11, col. 2.
John Sowle, a Carme of London.
p. 14, col. 1.
William Galeon, an Austin friar of Lynn Regis.
p. 18, col. 2.
Henry Bradshaw, one of the Benedictine monks of St Werberg's, Chester.
p. 19, col. 1.
John Harley, of the order of the Preaching or Dominican, commonly called Black, Friars p. 54, col. 2.
Thomas Spenser, a Carthusian at Henton in Somersets.h.i.+re; 'whence for a time he receded to Oxford (as several of his order did) to improve himself, or to pa.s.s a course, in theology.'
p. 94, col. 2.
John Kynton, a Minorite or Grey-friar p. 101, col. 1.
John Rycks, p. 107, col. 1.
John Forest, a Franciscan of Greenwich.
p. 189, col. 1.
John Griffen, a Cistercian.
p. 278, col. 2.
Cardinal Pole, educated among the Carthusians, and Carmelites or 'White-fryers.'
p. 363, col. 2.
William Barlowe, an Austin of St Osith in Ess.e.x.
p. 630, col. 2.
Henry Walpoole and Richard Walpoole, Jesuits.
The 5th Lord Percy, he of the _Household Book_, in the year 1520 founded an annual stipend of 10 marcs for 3 years, for a _Pedagogus sive Magister, docens ac legens Grammaticam et Philosophiam canonicis et fratribus_ of the monastery of Alnwick (Warton, ii. 492).]
[Footnote 50: It was customary then at Oxford for the Religious to have schools that bore the name of their respective orders; as the Augustine, Benedictine, Carmelite, and Franciscan schools; and there were schools also appropriated to the benefit of particular Religious houses, as the Dorchester and Eynsham schools, &c. The monks of Gloucester had Gloucester convent, and the novices of Persh.o.r.e an apartment in the same house. So likewise the young monks of Canterbury, Westminster, Durham, St Albans, &c. Kennet's Paroch. Antiq., p. 214. So also Leland saith, Itin. vol. vi. p.
28, that at Stamford the names of Peterborough Hall, Semplingham, and Vauldey yet remain, as places whither the Religious of those houses sent their scholars to study. Tanner, Not.i.tia Monastica, Preface, p. xxvi. note _w_.]
[Footnote 51: The abuse was of far earlier date than this. Compare Mr Halliwell's quotation in his 'Merton Statutes,' from his edition of 'the Poems of John Awdelay, the blind poet of Haghmon Monastery in the 14th century,'
Now ?if a pore mon set hys son to Oxford to scole, Bothe the fader and the moder hyndryd they schal be; And ?if ther falle a benefyse, hit schal be ?if a fole, To a clerke of a kechyn, ore into the chauncere . .
Clerkys that han cunyng, . . thai mai get no vaunsyng Without symony.]
[Footnote 52: Compare Chaucer: 'wherfore, as seith Senek, ther is nothing more covenable to a man of heigh estate than debonairte and pite; and therfore thise flies than men clepen bees, whan thay make here king, they chesen oon that hath no p.r.i.c.ke wherwith he may stynge.'--_Persones Tale_, Poet. Works, ed. Morris, iii. 301.]
[Footnote 53: Ascham complains of the harm that rich men's sons did in his time at Cambridge. Writing to Archbp. Cranmer in 1545, he complains of two _gravissima impedimenta_ to their course of study: (1.) that so few old men will stop up to encourage study by their example; (2.) "quod illi fere omnes qui hue Cantabrigiam confluunt, pueri sunt, divitumque filii, et hi etiam qui nunquam induc.u.n.t animum suum, ut abundanti aliqua perfectaque eruditione perpoliantur, sed ut ad alia reipublicae munera obeunda levi aliqua et inchoata cognitione paratiores efficiantur. Et hic singularis quaedam injuria bifariam academiae intentata est; vel quia hoc modo omnis expletae absolutaeque doctrinae spes longe ante messem, in ipsa quasi herbescenti viriditate, praeciditur; vel quia omnis pauperum inopumque expectatio, quorum aetates omnes in literarum studio conteruntur, ab his fucis eorum sedes occupantibus, exclusa illusaque praeripitur. Ingenium, enim, doctrina, inopia judicium, nil quicquam domi valent, ubi gratia, favor, magnatum literae, et aliae persimiles extraordinariae illegitimaeque rationes vim foris adferunt. Hinc quoque illud accedit incommodum, quod quidam prudentes viri nimis aegre ferunt partem aliquam regiae pecuniae in collegiorum socios inpartiri; quasi illi non maxime indigeant, aut quasi ulla spes perfectae eruditionis in ullis aliis residere potest, quam in his, qui in perpetuo literarum studio perpetuum vitae suae tabernaculum collocarunt." Ed. Giles, i. p. 69-70. See also p. 121-2.]
[Footnote 54: _Antea enim_ Cornelius Vitellius, _h.o.m.o_ Italus Corneli, _quod est maritimum_ Hetruriae _Oppidum, natus n.o.bili Prosapia, vir optimus gratiosusque, omnium primus_ Oxonii _bonas literas docuerat_. [Pol. Verg. _lib._ xxvi.]]
[Footnote 55: _Ante annos ferme triginta, nihil tradebatur in schola_ Cantabrigiensi, _praeter_ Alexandri Parva Logicalia, _ut vocant, & vetera illa_ Aristotelis _dictata, Scoticasque Quaestiones. Progressu temporis accesserunt bonae literae; accessit Matheseos Cognitio; accessit novus, aut certe novatus_, Aristoteles; _accessit_ Graecarum _literarum peritia; accesserunt Autores tam multi, quorum olim ne nomina quidem tenebantur, &c._ [Erasmi _Epist._ Henrico Bovillo, _Dat._ Roffae _Cal._ Sept.
1516.]]
[Footnote 56: Sir John Fortescue's description of the study of law at Westminster and in the Inns of Chancery is in chapters 48-9 of his _De laudibus legum Angliae_.]
[Footnote 57:
Mores habent barbarus, Latinus et Graecus; Si sacerdos, ut plebs est, caec.u.m ducit caecus: Se mares effeminant, et equa fit equus, Expectes ab homine usque ad pecus.
Et quia non metuunt animae discrimen, Principes in habitum verterunt hoc crimen, Varium viro turpiter jungit novus hymen, Exagitata procul non intrat fmina limen.]
[Footnote 58:
Pixus et ablutus tandem progressus in urbem, Intrat in ecclesiam, vota precesque facit.
Inde scholas adiens, sec.u.m deliberat, utrum Expediat potius illa vel ista schola.
Et quia subtiles sensu considerat Anglos, Pluribus ex causis se sociavit iis.
Moribus egregii, verbo vultuque venusti, Ingenio pollent, consilioque vigent.
Dona pluunt populis, et detestantur avaros, Fercula multiplicant, et sine lege bibunt.
A. Wood, _Antiq. Oxon._, p. 55, in Henry's Hist. of Eng., vol. iii. p. 440-1.]
[Footnote 59: That Colet used his travels abroad, A.D. 1493-7, for a different purpose, see his life by Dr Knight, pp. 23-4.]
[Footnote 60: Fuller, book vi. p. 297. Collier, vol. ii. p. 165.
Stillingfleet's Orig. Britan. p. 206. Bishop Lloyd of Church Government, p. 160. This was provided for as early as A.D. 747, by the seventh canon of council of Clovesho, as Wilkins's Councils, vol. i. p. 95. See also the notes upon that canon, in Johnson's Collection of canons, &c. In Tavistock abbey there was a Saxon school, as Willis, i. 171. Tanner. (Charlemagne in his Capitularies ordained that each Monastery should maintain a School, where should be taught 'la grammaire, le calcule, et la musique.' See Demogeot's _Histoire de la Litterature Francaise_, p. 44, ed. Hachette. R. Whiston.) Henry says "these teachers of the cathedral schools were called _The scholastics_ of the diocess; and all the youth in it who were designed for the church, were int.i.tled to the benefit of their instructions.[*] Thus, for example, William de Monte, who had been a professor at Paris, and taught theology with so much reputation in the reign of Henry II., at Lincoln, was the scholastic of that cathedral. By the eighteenth canon of the third general council of Lateran, A.D.
1179, it was decreed, That such scholastics should be settled in all cathedrals, with sufficient revenues for their support; and that they should have authority to superintend all the schoolmasters of the diocess, and grant them licences, without which none should presume to teach. The laborious authors of the literary history of France have collected a very distinct account of the scholastics who presided in the princ.i.p.al cathedral-schools of that kingdom in the twelfth century, among whom we meet with many of the most ill.u.s.trious names for learning of that age....
The sciences that were taught in these cathedral schools were such as were most necessary to qualify their pupils for performing the duties of the sacerdotal office, as Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic, Theology, and Church-Music." --_Ibid._ p. 442.]
[Footnote 60*: Du Cange, Gloss. voc. _Scholasticus_.]
[Footnote 61: Fuller and Collier, as before; Bishop Burnet (Reform, vol. i. p... ) saith so of G.o.dstow. Archbishop Greenfield ordered that young gentlewomen who came to the nunneries either for piety or breeding, should wear white veils, to distinguish them from the professed, who wore black ones, 11 Kal. Jul. anno pontif. 6. M. Hutton. ex registr. ejus, p. 207. In the accounts of the cellaress of Carhow, near Norwich, there is an account of what was received "pro prehendationibus," or the board of young ladies and their servants for education "rec. de domina Margeria Wederly prehendinat, ibidem xi. septimanas xiii s. iv d. ... pro mensa unius famulae dictae Margeriae per iii. septimanas viii d. per sept." &c. Tanner.]
[Footnote 62: Morley's _English Writers_, vol. ii. Pt. I. p. 421.]
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